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Political, Mifcellaneous, 


Philofophical Pieces; 

Arranged under the following HEADS, and 
Diftinguiflied by Initial Letters in each Leaf: 

[G. P.] General Politics , 

[A.B.T.] American Politics before the Troubles ; 

[A.D.T.] American Politics durfagthe Troubles ; 

[P. P.] Provincial or Colony Politics ; and 

[M. P.] Mifcellaneous and Philofophical Pieces i 

Written by 


Member of the Royal Academy of Sciences at Paris, of the Royal 
Society at Gottingen, and of the Batavian Society in Holland j 
Prefident of the Philofophical Society at Philadelphia; late Agent 
in England for feveral of the American Colonies ; and at prefent 
chofen in America as Deputy to the General Congrefs for the State 
of Penfylvania; Prefident of the Convention of the faid State, and 
Minifter Plenipotentiary at the Court of Paris for the United 
States of America : 

Now firft colleded, 

And an I N D E x to the Whole. 

Hominum Rerumque Repertor. Vi R G i L'S jEneid, xii. B. 


Printed for J. JOHNSON, N 72, St. Paul's Church-Yard, 


By the E D I T O R. 

H E writings of Dr. Franklin need 
no other preface than his chara&er 
and life. A few words therefore will 
explain all that is neceflary concerning 
this collection. 

To fecure the reader from the appre- 
henfion of omijfions and interpolations y the 
place whence each piece is taken, is ge 
nerally exprefled; or, if the notes are 
filent on this head, an original copy is to 
be underftood, to which the editor ftill 
retains accefs. It was chiefly for thefe 
purpofes of authentication, that notes were 
originally provided : But as it was con- 
fidered that this work might be read not 
only by Englishmen and Americans, but 
by foreigners and pofterity ; other notes 
of explanation and anecdote were occa- 
fionally added, which will be fet afide by 

a 2 other 

iv PREFACE by the EDITOR. 

other editors, in proportion as they are 
judged superfluous or improper. In the 
miscellaneous part of the collection how 
ever,' thefe humbler 'bounds have been 
considerably exceeded ; the temptation 
for which, will appear ,in the places in 
question. The notes in particular, fol 
lowing the " Conjectures on the Aurora 
u Borealis," were drawn up in confe- 
quence of attacks this paper had suffered 
among the editor's private friends. How 
far his zeal will justify their infer tion here, 
is left to a candid public. But the con 
jectures of great men fpeak a ftrong lan 
guage. " The matter in queftion/' they 
fay " contradicts nothing within their own 
" knowledge, and they rifque a portion 
" of their reputation upon its truth :" 
Proofs fufficient to fatisfy their candor 
and caution, they acknowledge to . be 
wanting; But fuch hints furely deferve 
ftudy and refpect. Considerable liber 
ties have been taken with the pointing^ 
italics^ &c, in thefe papers ; for moft of 
the copies being found imperfect or un- 


PREFACE 'by the EDITOR. v 

fyftematic in thefe particulars, fome de 
gree of uniformity was judged allowable, 
if attended with proper advertifement and 
apology. The editor may not perhaps at 
all times have fucceeded in his own in 
tentions; but he conceives that the public 
will take more exception at his interfer 
ence, than Dr. Franklin* 

The times appear not ripe enough for 
the editor to give expreilion to the affec 
tion, gratitude, and veneration, he bears 
to a writer he has fo intimately ftudied : 
Nor is it wanting to the author; as hiftory 
lies in wait for him, and the judgment of 
mankind balances already in his favor. 
The editor wifhes only that other readers 
may reap that improvement from his pro 
ductions,, which he conceives they have 
rendered to himielf. Yet perhaps he may 
be excufed for ftating one opinion : He 
conceives that no man ever made larger 
or bolder gueffes than Dr. Franklin from 
Mke materials in politics and philofophy, 
which, after the fcrutiny of events and 
of fact, have been^more completely verified, 


vi PREFACE by the EDITOR. 


Can Englifhmen read thefe things, and not 
figh at recollecting that the country which 
could produce their author, was once with 
out controverfy their own!- Yet he who 
praifes Dr. Franklin for mere ability , praifes 
him for that quality of his mind, which 
ftands loweft in his own efteem. Reader, 
whoever you are, and how much foever you 
think you hate him, know that this great 
man loves you enough to wifh to do you 
good : 

His country's friend, but more of human kind. 


( vii ] 

T H 


I" DIVISION; containing papers on fubjefts 
of General Politics, marked [G. P.] on the top 
of each leaf. 


1. Obfervations on tie increafe of mankind, 

peopling of countries, &c. I 

2. Remarks on ditto, [particularly refpeffing 

the effetts which manners have on popu 
lation,] by R. J. Eft}-, 12 

3. Plan by Meflrs. Franklin and Dalrymple for 

benefiting diftant unprovided countries -j- 37 

4. Precaution in China againft Famine 42 

5. Pojitions to be examined [concerning Na 

tional Wealth.] 44 

6. Political Fragments \on the fubjecJs of 

induftry^ embargoes on corn, poor, effeff 
of dear provi/tons on manufactures^ open 
trade y &c. and paper- credit.] 48 

f J Thefe marks point out pieces in each divilion, which are 
found differently arranged in the body of the nuork. Accident or late 
difcovery of the piece occafioned this circumftance ; which may 
be eafily remedied when the work is reprinted. In the mean time, 
the table of contents {hews the order in which the whole is to be 

7. On 



7. On the price of corn, and management of 

the Poor. 57 

8. On Smuggling and .its yarious fpecies. 64 

9. The Way to Wealth J. 24 
10. Parable againft PERSECUTION. 72 
1 1 . A letter concerning Diffenters and Perfecution ; 

particularly in America. 74 

II nd DIVISION; containing papers upon Ame 
rican fubjetts before the prefent troubles, marked 





"i. Reafons and motives for the plan 
of union for the colonies in 1 754. 86* 

2. Reafons againft partial unions. 89 

3. Plan of union, 'propofed by Dr. 
Franklin, and unanimously agreed 
to by the American commijfioners 

at Albany. 9 1 

ALBANY PAPERS continued. 

Letters to Governor Shirley 
concerning Taxation and Repre- 
fen ration. 

A third Letter to the fame concerning 
an union with Great Britain. 

Plan for two Weftern Colonies in 




1 6. Remarks on a plan for regulating Indian 
affairs in 1762 -j-. 

8 5 








. CANADA PAMPHLET , 0r the Intereft of 
Great Britain conjidered with regard to 
her colonies, and the acquifitions of 
Canada- and Guadaloupe -, j 44 

'The Introduction ; and the following 

topics \ 1 44 

' . Of Securities for being at peace; 148 

2. Canada afecurity, but forts none; 155 

3. War in America not for Colonies 
alone; 162 

4. The Colonies ufeful /<? G. Britain-, 171 

5. iTfo Colonies not dangerous /<? 
Great Britain -, 191 

6. 2^* French dangerous inCanada\ 195 

7. Canada eafely peopled ; 200 

8. Merits of Gua daloupe overvalued, 

. &V. 201 

18. Remarks andFatts relative to the American 

paper- money in 1764 . 206 

III* 1 DIVISION; containing papers upon 
American fubjetts during the troubles, marked 

19. Caufes of the American Difeontents before 

1768. 231, 

20. Letter concerning the Gratitude of America, 

and the effetts of an union with Great 
^Britain ; and concerning the repeal or 
fufpenfion of tie Stamp- Aft. 246 

$i. Letter from Governor Pownal concerning 
an equal communication of rights, 
privileges^ &c. between Great Britain 
and America ; 252 

With Dr. Franklin's Remarks. 254 

b 2&. Examina* 


22. Examination of Dr. Franktin before tie 
Englijh Houfe of Commons^ relative to 

the Repeal of the Stamp-Aft. 255 

23. Queries from Mr. Strahan , relative to 

certain atts of parliament cxcepted 
againft by America^ and the way of 
compojing the difpute ; 302 

With Dr. Franklin's anfwers. 305 

24. A Pruffian Edict ajfuming claims over 
Britain. 315 

25. Preface to the votes and proceedings in 

the town of Soft on [on thefubjett of the 
Tea-Att, &V.] 323 

26. Proceedings and Examination^ in the cafe 

of Dr. Franklin before the Privy 
Council ; relative to the difmifjion of 
Governor Hut chinf on, &c. 329 

27. Account of G. Hutchinfon's Letters, &c. 33^ 

28. Rules for reducing a Great Empire to 

a fmall one.. 343 

29. Intended Vindication and Offer from 
Congrefs to Parliament , /# 1775. 357 

30. Letter from Dr. Franklin to a friend in 

England, fumming up the events of the 

firft campaign of the American war. 365 

3 1 . Letter from Lord Howe to Dr. Franklin^ 
concerning the firft commijjion for com 
pofing the American Troubles j 367 

With Dr. Franklin's Anfwer. 370 

32. Comparifon of Great Britain and Ame 

rica as to Credit. 376 

> Dl- 


IV th DIVISION; containing papers on fubjetts 
of Provincial Politics, marked [P. P.] 


3 3 . Report of the Committee of Aggrie vanccs 

<?/ the Affemblyin Penfyhania^ in 1 757. 387 

34. Letter on a propofed Militia Bill in 

35. Reply to a Pr&teft againft the appointment 

of Dr. FrankUn as Agent to Penjyhania. 403 

36. Preface to a Speech of Mr. Galloway 

concerning the change of the Proprietary 

into a 'Royalgovernment, in Penjyhania. 4 1 

V th DIVISION; containing papers on Mif- 
cellaneous and Philofophical Subjects, marked 
[M. P.] 

37.^? Reformed Mode of Spelling, withfome 

of its ufes 9 &c. 467 

38. On the Vis Inertise of Matter y in a 
Letter to Mr. Baxter. 479 

39. Experiments^ &c. on the utility o/long 
pointed rods,forfecuring buildings from 
damage by Jtrokes of lightning. 487 

40. Conjectures concerning the Aurora Bo- 

realis. 504. 

41. Dr. Franklin's Epitaph on himfelf* 5 % i 

For the Errata et Addenda fee the laft Page, after* 
the General Index. 




K. B. All the Papers under this divifton are d'l/tinguijhed ly the 
letters G. P. placed in the running title at the head of each leaf. 

OBSERVATIONS concerning the Increafe of 
Mankindy Peopling of Countries, &c. 

Written in Penfylvania, 1751*. 

i. ' a CABLES of the proportion of marriages 
to births, of deaths to births, of mar 
riages to the number of inhabitants, &c. formed 
on obfervations made upon the bills of mortality, 
chriftenings, &c. of populous cities, will not fuit 
countries ; nor will tables formed on obfervations 
made on full-fettled old countries, as Europe, 
fuit new countries, as America. 

2. For people increafe in proportion to the 
number of marriages, and that is greater in pro 
portion to the eafe and convenience of fupporting 
a family. When families can be eafily fupported, 
more perfons marry, and earlier in life. 

This and the following paper only, have appeared in the 
Englifi Edition of Dr. Franklin's Works. E.J 

B . In 


3. In cities, where all trades, occupations, 
and offices are full, many delay marrying, till 
they can fee how to bear the charges of a family $ 
which charges are greater in cities, as luxury is 
more common : many live iingle during life, and 
continue ferv.ants to families, journeymen to 
traders, &c. Hence cities do not, by natural ge 
neration, fupply themfelves with inhabitants : the 
deaths are more than the births. 

4. In countries full fettled, the cafe muft be 
nearly the fame ; all lands being occupied and 
improved to the heighth, thofe who cannot get 
land, muft labour for others that have it ; when, 
labourers are plenty, their wages will be low ; by 
low wages a family is fupported with difficulty; 
this difficulty deters many from marriage, who, 
therefore, long continue fervants and iingle. 
Only as the cities take fupplies of people from 
the country, and thereby make a little more 
room in the country, marriage is a little more 
encouraged there, and the births exceed the 

5. Great part of Europe is full fettled with huf- 
bandmen, manufacturers, &c. and therefore can- 
pot now 'much encreafe in people. America is 
chiefly occupied by Indians, who fubfift moftly 
by hunting. But as the hunter, of all men, re 
quires the greater! quantity of land from whence 
to draw his fubfift.ence, (the hufbandman fubfift- 
ing on much lefs, the gardener on ftill lefs, an4 
the manufacturer requiring leaft of all) the E r 

found America as fully fettled as it well 


could be by hunters ; yet thefe having large 
tracls, were eafily prevailed on to part with por 
tions of territory to the new comers, who did not 
much interfere with the natives in hunting, and 
furnifhed them with many things they wanted. 

6. Land being thus plenty in America, and fo 
cheap as that a, labouring man that underftands 
hufbandry, can, in a fhort time, fave money 
enough to purchafe a piece of new land, fufficient 
for a plantation, whereon he may fublift a family ; 
fuch are not afraid to marry -, for if they even 
look far enough forward to confider how their 
children, when grown up, are to be provided 
for, they fee that more land is to be had at rates 
equally eafy, all circumftances confidered. 

7. Hence marriages in America are more gene 
ral, and more generally early than in Europe. 
And if it is reckoned there that there is but one 
marriage ^><?r Annum among 100 perfons, perhaps 
we may here reckon two ; and if in Europe they 
have but four births to a marriage, (many of their 
marriages being late) we may here reckon eight ; 
of which, if one half grow up, and our marriages 
are made, reckoning one with another, at twenty 
years of age, our people muft at lead be double** 
every twenty years. 

8. But notwith (landing this increafe, fo vaft is 
the territory of North America, that it will require 
many ages to fettle it fully -, and till it is fully 
fettled, labour will never be cheap here, where 
no man continues long a labourer for others, but 
gets a plantation of his own j no man continues 

B 2 long 

long a journeyman to a trade, but goes among 
thofe new fettlers, and fets up for himfelf, &c. 
Hence labour is no cheaper now, in Penfyhania, 
than it was thirty years ago, though fo many 
thoufand labouring people have been imported 
from Germany and Ireland. 

9. The danger, therefore, of thefe colonies 
interfering with their mother country in trades 
that depend on labour, manufactures, 6cc, is too 
remote to require the attention of Great Britain, 

10. But in proportion to the increafe of the 
colonies, a vaft demand is growing for Britiih 
manufactures ; a glorious market, wholly in the 
power of Britain, in which foreigners cannot in 
terfere, which will increafe, in a fhort time, even 
beyond her power of fupplying, though her whole 
trade mould be to her colonies * * *. 

12. It is an ill-grounded opinion, that by the 
labour of Jlaves, America may poffibly vie in 
cheapnefs of manufactures with Britain. The 
labour of ilaves can never be fo cheap here, as 
the labour of working men is in Britain. Any 
one may compute it. Interefl of money is in 
the colonies from 6 to jo per cent. Slaves, one 
with another, coil 307. fterling^r head. Reckon 
then the intereft of the firft purchafe of a flave, 
the infurance or rifque on his life, his cloathing 
and diet, expences in his ficknefs, and lofs of 
time, Jpfs by his neglect of bufinefs., (neglect is 
natural to the man who is not to be benefited 
by his own care or diligence) expence of a driver 
Q keep him at work, and his pilfering from time 



to time, almofl every flave being, from the na^ 
ttire of flavery, a thief -, and compare the whole 
amount with the wages of a manufacturer of iron 
or woo} in England, you will fee that labour is 
much cheaper there, than it ever can be by ne 
groes here. Why then will Americans purchafe 
Haves ? Becaufe flaves may be kept as long as a 
man pleafes, or has occafion for their labour j 
while hired men are continually leaving their 
matter (often in the midft of his bufmefs) and 
letting up for themfelves. 8. 

13. As the increafe of people depends on the 
encouragement of marriages, the following things 
Uiuft diminim a nation, viz. i. ^he being con 
quered. For the conquerors will engrofs as many 
offices, and exact as much tribute or profit on the 
labour of the conquered, as will maintain them 
in their new eftablifhment ; and this diminiihing 
the fubfiflence of the natives, difcourages their 
marriages, and fo gradually diminiihes them, 
while the foreigners increafe. 2- Lofs of terri^ 
tory. Thus the Britons being driven info Wales ? 
and crowded together in a barren country, infufr 
ficient to fupport fuch great numbers, diminimed, 
till the people bore a proportion to the produce ; 
while the Saxons increafed on their abandoned 
landsj till the ifland became full of Englifh. And, 
were the Englifb now driven into Wales by fome 
foreign nation, there would, in a few years, be no 
more Englifhmen in Britain, than there are now 
people in Wales. 3. Lofs of trade. Manufactures 
jexported, draw fubfiflence from foreign countries 



for numbers -, who are thereby enabled to marry 
and raife families. If the nation be deprived of 
any branch of trade, and no new employment is 
found for her people occupied in that branch, it 
will foon be deprived of fo many people. 4. Lofs 
of food. Suppofe a nation has a fimery, which 
not only employs great numbers, but makes the 
food and fubfiftence of the people cheaper : if 
another nation becomes mafter of the feas, and 
prevents the fifhery, the people will diminifh in 
proportion as the lofs of employ, and dearnefs of 
proviiion, make it more difficult to fubfift a fa 
mily. 5. Bad government and infecure property^ 
People not only leave fuch a country, and, fettling 
abroad, incorporate with other nations, lofe their 
native language, and become foreigners ; but the 
induftry of thofe that remain being difcouraged, 
the quantity of fubfifcence in the country is lef- 
fened, and the fupport of a family becomes more 
difficult. So heavy taxes tend to diminifh a people. 
6. The introduction ofjlaves. The negroes brought 
into the Englifh fugar-iilands, have greatly di- 
niinifhed the Whites there ; the poor are by this 
means deprived of employment, while a few fa 
milies acquire vaft eftates, which they fpend on 
foreign luxuries ; and educating their children in 
the habit of thofe luxuries, the fame income is 
needed for the fupport of one, that might have 
maintained one hundred. The whites who have 
ilaves, not labouring, are enfeebled, and there 
fore not fo generally prolific ; the flaves being 
worked too hard, and ill fed, their conilitutions 


are broken, and the deaths among them are more 
$han the births ; fo that a continual fupply is 
needed from Africa. The northern colonies 
having few flaves, increafe in whites. Slaves 
alfo pejorate the families that ufe them; the 
white children become proud, difgufted with 
labour, and being educated in idlenefs, are ren 
dered unfit to get a living by induftry, 

14. Hence the prince that acquires new terrL- 
tory, if he finds it vacant, or removes the natives 
to give his own people room ; the legiflator that 
makes effectual laws for promoting of trade, in- 
ereafing employment, improving land by more 
or better tillage, providing more food by fisheries, 
fecuring property, &p. and the man that invents 
new trades, arts, or manufactures, or new im 
provements in hufbandry ; may be properly called 
'the Fathers of their nation, as they are the caufe of 
the generation of multitudes, by the encourage 
ment they afford to marriage, 

15. As to privileges granted to the married, 
(fuch as the jus trium liberorum among the Romans ) 
they may batten the filling of a country that has 
been thinned by war or peftilence, or that has 
otherwife vacant territory; ]but cannot increafe a 
people beyond the means provided for fheir fub- 

1 6. Foreign luxuries and needlefs manufactures, 
imported and ufed in a nation, do, by the fame 
reafoning, increafe the people of the nation that 
furnifhes them, and diminifh the people of the 
pation that ufes them. Law, therefore, that 


ft t H O IT d H T S O tf THE 

prevent fuch importations, and, on the contrary, 
promote the exportation of manufactures to be 
confumed in foreign countries, may be called 
(with refpect to the people that make them) 
generative /aws, as by increafing fubfiflence they 
encourage marriage. Such laws likewife ftrengthen 
a country doubly, by increafing its own people, 
and diminiming its neighbours. 

17. Some European nations prudently refufc 
to confume the manufactures of Eaft India . 
They fliould likewife forbid them to their colo 
nies -, for the gain to the merchant is not to be 
compared with the lofs, by this means, of pea- 
pie to the nation. 

1 8. Home luxury in the great, increafes the 
nation's manufacturers employed by it, who are 
many, and only tends to diminifh the families 
that indulge in it, who are few. The greater 
the common fafhionable expence of any rank of 
people, the more cautious they are of marriage. 
Therefore luxury mould never be fuffered to be 
come common. 

19. The great increase of offspring in par 
ticular families, is not always owing to greater 
fecundity of nature, but fometimes to examples 
of induftry in the heads, and induftrious edii- 
cation , by which the children are enabled to 
provide better for themfelves, and their marry 
ing early is encouraged from the profpect of 
good fubliftence. 

20. If there be a feet, therefore, in our fia- 
tion, that regard frugality and induftry as reli 


gious duties, and educate their children therein, 
more than others commonly do ; fuch feel: muft 
confequently increafe more by natural genera 
tion, than any other feel: in Britain. 

21. The importation of foreigners into a 
country that has as many inhabitants as the 
prefent employments and provifions for fubfifl- 
ence will bear, will be in the end no increafe of 
people; unlefs the new-comers have more in- 
duftry and frugality than the natives, and then 
they will provide more fubfiftence, and increafe 
in the country ; but they will gradually eat the 
natives out. Nor is it neceflary to bring in fo 
reigners to fill up any occafional vacancy in a 
country ; for fuch vacancy (if the laws are good, 
.14, 1 6) will foon be filled by natural genera 
tion. Who can now find the vacancy made in 
Sweden, France, or other warlike nations, by 
the plague of heroifm 40 years ago j in France, 
by the expulfion of the Proteftants -, in England, 
by the fettle men t of her colonies j or in Guinea, 
by a hundred years exportation of flaves, that 
has blackened half America ? The thinnefs of 
the inhabitants in Spain, is owing to national 
pride, and idlenefs, and other caufes, rather 
than to the expulfion of the Moors, or to the 
making of new fettlements. 

22. There is, in fhort, no bound to the pro 
lific nature of plants or animals, but what is 
made by their crowding and interfering with each 
other's means of fubfiftence. Was the face of 
the earth vacant of other plants, it might be gra- 

C dually 


dually fowed and overfpread with one kind only;; 
as for inftance, with fennel ; and were it empty 
of other inhabitants, it might, in a few ages, be 
replenimed from one nation only,, as for m- 
flance,, with Englifhmen* Thus there are fup- 
pofed to be now upwards of one million of Eng- 
lifh fouls in North America (though it is thought 
fcarce 80,000 have been brought over-fea*) and 
yet perhaps there is not one the fewer in Britain, 
but rather many more, on account of the employ 
ment the colonies afford to manufacturers at 
home. This million doubling, fuppofe but once 
in 25 years, will, in another century, be more 
than the people of England,- and the greatefl 
number of Englifhmen will be on this fide the 
water. What an acceffion of power to the Bri- 
tijh empire by fea as well as land.! What increaler 
of trade and navigation ! What numbers of (hips, 
and feamen ! We have been here but little more- 
than a hundred years, and yet the force of our 
privateers in the late war, united, was greater 
both in men and guns, than that of the whole 
Britilh navy, in queen Elizabeth's time. How 
important an- affair then to Britain, is the pre- 
fent treaty -f- for fettling the bounds between her 
colonies and. the French ! and how careful, mould 
me be to fecure room enough, fince on the room 
depends fo much the increafe of her people ? 

23. In fine, a nation well regulated is like a 
polypus J 5 take away a limb,, its place is foon 

* [N. B. This was written in the year 1751. E'.] 
t In 1751. J An water-infeft, well known to Naturalifb. 



fupplied j cut it in two, and each deficient part 
mall fpeedily grow out of the part remaining. 
Thus, (if you have room and fubfiftence enough) 
as you may, by dividing, make ten polypufes out 
of one ; you may, of one, make ten nations, 
equally populous and powerful $ or rather, in- 

creafe a nation tenfold in numbers and ftrength. 

* * * * * 


Extracts of d Letter from R. J. E/g; of London, 
to Benjamin Franklin, Efg; at Philadelphia ; 
containing "Remarks on fome of the foregoing 

fi'EAR SIR, 

IT is now near three years fince I received your 
excellent Obfervations on the Increafe of Man 
kind^ &c. in which you have with fo much fa- 
gacity and accuracy fhewn in what manner, and 
by what caufes, that principal means of political 
grandeur is beft promoted ; and have fo well fup- 
ported thofe juft inferences you have occaiionally 
drawn, concerning the general flate of our Ame 
rican colonies, and the views and conduct of 
fome of the inhabitants of Great Britain. 

You have abundantly proved that natural fe 
cundity is hardly to be conlidered -, becaufe the 
vis generandi, as far as we know, is unlimited, 
and becaufe experience mews that the numbers 
of nations are altogether governed by collateral 
caufes ; and among thefe none is of fo much force 
as quantity of fubfiftence ; whether arifing from 
climate, foil, improvement of tillage, trade, 
fifheries, fecure property, conqueft of new coun 
tries, or other favourable circumftances. 

As I perfectly concurred with you in your fen- 
timents on thefe heads, I have been very de- 
lirous of building fomewhat on the foundation 
you have there laid $ and was induced by your 



hints in the twenty-firft fe&ion, to trouble you 
with fome thoughts on the influence Manners 
have always had, and are always likely to have 
on the numbers of a people, and their political 
profperity in general *. 

The powerful efficacy of Manners in en- 
creating a people, is manifeft from the inftance 
you mention, the Quakers ; among them in- 
duftry and frugality multiplies and extends the 
ufe of the neceffaries of life. To manners of a 
like kind are owing the populoufnefs of Holland, 
Switzerland, China, Japan, and moft parts of 
Indqftan, &c. in every one of which the force of 
extent of territory and fertility of foil is multi 
plied, or their want compenfated by induftry and 

Neither nature nor art have contributed much 
to the production of fubfiftence in Switzerland, 
yet we fee frugality preferves, and even increafes 
families that live on their fortunes, and which, 
in England, we call the Gentry -, and the obfer- 
vation we cannot but make in the Southern part 
of this kingdom, that thofe families, including 
all fuperior ones, are gradually becoming extinct, 
affords the cleareft proof that luxury (that is,, a 
greater expence of fubfiltence than in prudence 
a man ought to confume) is as deftruclive as a 
proportionable want of it -, but in Scotland, as in 
Switzerland, the Gentry, though one with ano 

* [The following paflage ftands inferted at this place in the 
original : " The end of every individual is its own private good. 
** The rules it obferves in the purfuit of this good, are a fyftem of 

" proportions, 


ther they have not one-fourth of the income, 
increafe in number. 

" propofitions, almoft every one founded in. authority, that is, 
" derive their weight from the credit given to one or more perfons, 
" and not from demon Oration. 

" And this, in the moft important as well as the other affairs of 
" life, is the cafe even of the wifeft and philofophical part of the 
** human fpecies ; and that it mould be fo is the lefs ftrange, when 
** we conlider that it is, perhaps, impoffible to prove, that being, 
*' or life itfelf, has any other value than what is fet on it by autho- 
" rity. 

" A confirmation of this may be derived from the obfervation, 
" that in every country in the univerfe, happinefs is fought upon 
" a differentjplan ; and, even in the fame country, we fee it placed 
" by different ages, profeffions, and ranks of men, in the attain - 
" ment of enjoyments utterly unlike. 

" Thefe propofitions, as well as others, framed upon them, 
" become habitual by degrees, and, as they govern the determina- 
" tion of the will, I call them moral habits. 

" There are another fet of habits that have the direction of the 
" members of the body, that I call therefore mechanical habits. 
tf Thefe compofe what we commonly call The Arts, which are 
*' more or lefs liberal or mechanical, as they more or lefs partake 
" of affiftance from *he operations of the mind. 

" The cumulus of the moral habits of each individual, is the man- 
" ners of that individual ; the cumulus of the manners of individuals 
" makes up the manners of a nation. 

" The happinefs of individuals is evidently the ultimate end of 
*' political fociety ; and political welfare, or the ftrength, fplen- 
" dour, and opulence of tlie ftate, have been always admitted, both 
" by political writers, and the valuable part of mankind in general, 
" to conduce to this end, and are therefore defirable. 

*' The caufes that advance or obftruct any one of thefe three 
*' objects, are external or internal. The latter may be divided into 
*' phyfical, civil, and perfonal, under which lail head I compre- 
* hend the moral and mechanical habits of mankind. The phy- 
" fical caufes are principally climate, foil, and number of fubjedls ; 
' the civil are governmefit and laws; and political welfare is al- 
" ways in a ratio compofed of the force of thefe particular caufes ; 
" a multitude of external caufes, and all thefe internal ones, not 
** only controul and qualify, but are conftantly acting on, and 
" thereby infenfibly, as well as fenfibly, altering one another, both 
" for the better and the worfe, and this not excepting the climate 
" itfelf." 



And here I cannot help remarking, by the 
bye, how well founded your diftindtion is be 
tween the increafe of mankind in old and new- 
fettled countries in general, and more particu 
larly, in the cafe of families of condition. In 
America,, where their Expences are more con 
fined to neceflaries, and thofe necefTaries are 
cheap, it is common to fee above one hundred 
perfons defcended from one living old man.. In 
England it frequently happens, where a man has 
feven, eight, or more children, there has not 
been a defcendant in the next generation j cca- 
iioned by the difficulties the number of children 
has brought on the family, in a luxurious dear 
country, and which have prevented their mar 
rying. That this is more owing to luxury than 
mere want, appears from what I have faid of 
Scotland,, and more plainly from parts of England- 
remote from London -,. in moft of which the ne- 
ceflaries of life are nearly as dear, in Tome dearer 
than in London ; yet the people of all ranks marry 
and breed up children. 

Again; among the lower ranks of life, none^ 
produce fo few children as fervants. This is, in; 
ibme meafure, to be attributed to their fituation,, 
which hinders marriage; but is alfo to be attribu 
ted to their luxury, and corruption of manners,, 
which are greater than among any other fet of 
people in England,, and is the confequence of a 
nearer view of the lives and perfons of a fupe- 
rior rank, than any inferior rank, without a, 
proper education, ought to have. 



The quantity of fubfiftence in England has un- 
questionably become greater for many ages ; and 
yet if the inhabitants are more numerous, they 
certainly are not fo in proportion to our improve 
ment of the means of fupport. I am apt to 
think there are few parts of this kingdom that 
have not been at fome former time more popu 
lous than at prefent. I have feveral cogent rea- 
fons for thinking fo of great part of the counties 
I am mod; intimately acquainted with; but as 
they were probably not all moft populous at the 
fame time, and as fome of our towns are vifibly 
and vaftly grown in bulk, I dare not fuppofe, as 
judicious men have done, that England is lels 
peopled than heretofore. -This growth of our 
towns is the effect of a change of manners, and 
improvement of arts, common to all Europe ; and 
though it is not imagined that it has lerlened the 
country growth of neceffaries ; it has evidently, 
by introducing a greater confumption of them, 
(an infallible confequence of a nation's dwelling 
in towns) counteracted the effects of our prodi 
gious advances in the arts. But however fruga 
lity may fupply the place, or prodigality coun 
teract the effects, of the natural or acquired fub 
fiftence of a country ; induftry is, beyond doubt, 
a more efficacious caufe of plenty, than any natu 
ral advantage of extent or fertility. I have men 
tioned inftances of frugality and induftry, united 
with extent and fertility; mSpain '&&&AfiaMinor t 
we fee frugality joined to extent and fertility, 
without induftry; in Ireland we once law the 

fame ; 


fame ; Scotland had then none of them but fruga 
lity. The change in thefe two countries is obvious 
to every one, and it is owing to induftry, not yet 
very widely diffufed in either. The effects of 
induftry and frugality in England are furprifing ; 
both the rent and the value of the inheritance of 
land depend on them greatly more than on na 
ture; and this, though there is no confiderable 
difference in the prices of our markets. Land 
of equal goodnefs lets for double the rent of 
other land lying in the fame county ; and there 
are many years purchafe difference between diffe 
rent counties, where rents are equally well paid 
and fecure. Thus Manners operate upon the 
number of inhabitants : but of their filent effects 
upon a civil conftitution, hiftory and even our own 
experience, yields us abundance of proofs, though 
they are not uncommonly attributed to external 
caufes : Their fupport of a government againft 
/external force is fo great, that it is a common 
maxim among the advocates of liberty, that no 
free government was ever diffolved, or overcome, 
before the manners of its fubjects were cor 

The fuperiority of Greece over Perjia was fingly 
owing to their difference of manners ; and that, 
though all natural advantages were on the fide of 
the latter to which I might add the civil ones; 
for though the greateft of all civil advantages,, 
Liberty, was on the fide of Greece, yet that added 
-no political ilrength to her [otherwife] than as it 
operated .on her manners ; and, when they were 

D corrupted, 


corrupted, the reiteration of their liberty by the 
Romans, overturned the remains of their power. 

Whether the manners si Ancient Rome were, at 
any period, calculated to promote the happinefs 
of individuals, it is not my defign to examine : 
But that their manners, and the effects of thofe 
manners on their government and public conduct, 
founded, enlarged, and fupported, and afterwards 
overthrew their empire, is beyond all doubt. 
One of the effects of their conqueft furnifhes us 
with a ftrong proof how prevalent manners are 
even beyond quantity of fubfiftence ; for, when 
the cuftom of beftowing on the citizens of Rome 
corn enough to fupport themfelves and families, 
was become 'eftablifhed, and Egypt and Sicily 
produced the grain that fed the inhabitants of 
Italy; this became lefs populous every day; and 
the Jus trium liberorum was but an expedient that 
could not balance the want of induftry and fruga 
lity. But corruption of manners did not only 
thin the inhabitants of the Roman Empire -, it ren 
dered the remainder incapable of defence, long be 
fore its fall, perhaps before the diffolution of the 
republic ; fo that without {landing difciplined ar 
mies compofed of men, whofe moral habits prin 
cipally, and mechanical habits fecondarily, made 
them different from the body of the people, the 
Roman empire had been a prey to the barbarians 
many ages before it was. By the mechanical habits 
of the fbldiery, I mean their difcipline, and the 
art of war : And that this is but a Secondary qua 
lity, appears from the inequality that has in all 


ages been between raw, though well-difciplined 
armies, and veterans, and more from the irre- 
fiftible force, a fingle moral habit, Religion, has 
conferred on troops frequently neither difciplined 
nor experienced. 

The military manners of the Nobkffe in 
France, compofe the chief force of that kingdom ; 
and the enterprifing manners, and reftlefs difpo- 
iitions of the inhabitants of Canada have enabled 
a handful of men to harafs our populous, and, 
generally, Icfs martial colonies : Yet neither are 
of the value they feem at firil fight, becaufe, 
overbalanced by the defedt they occaiion of other 
habits that would produce more eligible political 
good : And military manners in a people are not 
necefTary in an age and country where fuch man 
ners may be occaiionally formed and preferved 
among men enough to defend the ftate ; and 
luch a country is Great Britain, where, though 
the lower clafs of people are by no means of a 
military caft, yet they make better foldiers than 
even the NoblelTe of France. 

The inhabitants of this country [England,] a 
few ages back, were to the populous and rich pro 
vinces of France, what Ganada is now to the 
Britim colonies. It is true, there was lefs difpro- 
portion between their natural ftrengthj but I mean 
that the riches of France were a real weaknefs, 
oppofed to the military manners founded upon 
poverty and a rugged difpofition, then the cha- 
ra&erof the /$. But itmuit be remembered, 
that at this time the manners of a people were 

D 3 not 


not diftincl: from that of their foldiery : For the 
life of ftanding armies has deprived a military 
people of the advantages they before had over 
others ; and though it has been often faid, that 
civil wars give power, becaufe they render all 
men foldiers, 1 believe this has only been found 
true in internal wars following civil wars, and 
not in external ones ; for now, in foreign wars, 
a fmall army with ample means to fupport it, is 
of greater force than one more numerous, with 
lefs. This laft fad: has often happened betweea 
France and Germany. 

The means of fupporting armies, and, confe- 
quently, the power of exerting external ftrength, 
are beft found in the induftry and frugality of 
the body of a people living under a government 
and laws that encourage Commerce; for com 
merce is at this day almoft the only Jtimulus that 
forces every one to contribute a {hare of labour 
for the public benefit. 

But fuch is the human frame, and the world 
is fo conftituted, that it is a hard matter to pof- 
fefs ones-felf of a benefit, without laying ones- 
felf open to a lofs on fome other fide - y the im 
provements of manners of one fort, often de 
prave thofe of another : Thus we fee induftry 
and frugality under the influence of commerce, 
(which! call a commercial fpirit) tend todeftroy, 
as well as fupport, the government it flourifhes 
under. Commerce perfects the arts, but more 
the mechanical than the liberal, and this for an 
obvious reafonj it foftens and enervates the man 


ners. Steady virtue, and unbending integrity,, are: 
feldom to be found where a fpirit of commerce 
pervades every thing ; yet the perfection of com 
merce is, that every thing fhould have its price. 
We every day fee its progrefb, both to our be 
nefit and detriment here. Things that bom 
mores forbid to be let to fale, are become its 
objects, and there are few things indeed extra 
commerclum. The legiflative power itfelf has 
been./ commercio -, and church livings are feldom 
given without 'Confideration, even by fincere 
ChriiUans ; and for conftderation, not feldom ta 
very unworthy perfons. The rudenefs of an 
cient military times, and the fury of more mo 
dern enthufiaftic ones, are worn off; even the 
ipirit of forenfic contention is aftonimingly di- 
minimed (all marks of manners foftening $.) but 
luxury and corruption have taken their places>. 
and feem the infeparable companions of Com 
merce and the Arts. 

1 cannot help obferving, however, that this is; 
jnuch more the cafe in extenfive countries,, ef- 
pecially at their metropolis, than in other places^ 
It is an old obfervation of politicians, and fre 
quently made by hiftorians, that fmall flates al 
ways beft preferve their manners. Whether this- 
happens from the greater room there is for at 
tention in the legiflature,, or from the lefs room 
there is for ambition and avarice ; it is a ilrong^ 
argument, among others, againil an incorpo 
rating Union of the colonies in America, or even; 
a federal one, that may tend to the future re 


ducingthem under one government. Their power, 
while difunited, is lefs, but their liberty, as well 
as manners, is more fecure; and, considering the 
little danger of any conqueft to be made upon 
them, I had rather they mould fuffer fomething 
through difunion, than fee them under a general 
adminiftration lefs equitable than that concerted 
at Albany *. I take it, the inhabitants of Pen- 
fyhania are both frugal and induftrious beyond 
thofe of any province in America. If luxury mould 
fpread, it cannot be extirpated by laws. We are 
told by Plutarch, that Plato ufed to fay, // w as a 
bard thing to make laws for the Cyrenians, a -people 
abounding in plenty and opulence. 

But from what I fet out with, it is evident, 
if I be not miftaken, that education only can 
item the torrent, and, without checking either 
true induflry or frugality, prevent the fordid 
frugality and lazinefs of the old Irz/b, and 
many of the modern Scotch, (I mean the in 
habitants of that country, thofe who leave it 
for another being generally induftrious) or 
the induftry mixed with luxury of this capital, 
from getting ground ; and, by rendering ancient 
manners familiar, produce a reconciliation be 
tween difintereftednefs and commerce j a thing we 
often -fee, but almoft always in men of a liberal 

To conclude; when we ivculd form a people y 
foil and climate may be found at lead fufficiently 

* [The reader will fee an account of this plan in the fubfequent 
fiieets. .] 


good; inhabitants maybe encouraged to fettle, 
and even fuppprted for a while -, a good govern 
ment and laws may be framed, and even arts may 
be eftablimed, or their produce imported ; but 
many necefTary moral habits are hardly ever found 
among thofe who voluntarily offer themfelves in 
times of quiet at home, to people new colonies ; 
belides that the moral, as well as mechanical 
habits, adapted to a mother-country, are fre 
quently not fo to the new-fettled one, and to 
external events, many of which are always un- 
forefeen. Hence it is we have feen fuch fruit- 
lefs attempts to fettle colonies, at an immenfe 
public and private expence, by feveral of the 
powers of Europe: And it is particularly ob- 
fervable that none of the Engtijh colonies be 
came any way confiderable, till the necefTary 
manners were born and grew up in the country, 
excepting, thofe to which fingular circumftances 
at home forced manners fit for the forming a 
new ftate, 

lam, Str> 6cc 



As clearly Jhewn in the Preface of an 

fylvania Almanack, intitled, POOR RICHARD 

Courteous Reader, 

I HAVE heard, that nothing gives an author fo 
great pleafure, as to find his works refpectfully 
quoted by others. Judge, then, how much I 
muft have been gratified by an incident I am go 
ing to relate to you. I flopped my horfe lately, 
where a great number of people were collected, 
at an auction of merchants goods. The hour of 
the fale not being come, they were converting 
on the badnefs of the times ; and one of the 
company called to a plain, clean Old Man, with 
white locks, ' Pray, Father Abraham^ what think 

* you of the times ? Will not thefe heavy taxes 

quite ruin the country ? How lhall we ever be 

[* Dr. Franklin, as I have been made to underftand, for many 
years publiflied the Penfylvania Almanack, called Poor Richard 
[Saunders~\, and furnifhed it with various fentences and proverbs, 
which had principal relation to the topics of " induftry, attention 
to one's own bufmefs, and frugality." The whole or chief of 
thefe fentences and proverbs, he at laft collected and digefted in the 
above general preface, which his countrymen read with much 
avidity and profit. 

1VL Dubourg, the French tranflator of Dr. Franklin's works, en 
titles this Penjylvanian Almanack, Le pauvre Henri a /on aij'e; to 
avoid the jeu de mots, in cafe he had written Pauvre Richard* E.] 



* able to pay them ? What would you advife us 
to ?' Father Abraham flood up, and replied, 

* If you would have my advice, I will give it 

* you in fhortj "for a word to the wife is 
" enough," as Poor Richard fays/ They joined 
in defiling him to fpeak his mind, and gather 
ing round him, he proceeded as follows : 

* FRIENDS, fays he, the taxes are, indeed, 

* very heavy, and, if thofe laid on by the go- 

* vernment were the only ones we had to pay, 
' we might more eafily difcharge them j but we 
' have many others, and much more grievous to 
' fome of us. We are taxed twice as much by 

* our idlenefs, three times as much by our pride, 
' and four times as much by our folly; and 

* from thefe taxes the commiffioners cannot eafe 

* or deliver us, by allowing an abatement. 
* However, let us hearken to good advice, and 
' fomething may be done for us ; " God helps 
" them that help themfelves," as Poor Richard 
' fays. 

* I. It would be thought a hard government that 
' mould tax its people one tenth part of their 

* time, to be employed in its fervice : But idle- 
' nefs taxes many of us much more; floth, by 
f bringing on difeafes, abfolutely fhortens life. 
" Sloth, like ruft, confumes farter than labour 
" wears, whiJe the ufed key is always bright,'* 
' as Poor Richard fays. " But doft thou love 
" life, then do not fquander time, for that is the 

E fluff 


" fluff life is made of," as Poor Richard fays. 
c How much more than is necefTary do we fpend 

* in fleep ! forgetting that, " The fleeping fox 
" catches no poultry, and that there will be 
" fleeping enough in the grave," as Poor Richard 
' fays. 

" If time be of all things die moft precious, 
*' wafting time muft be," as Poor Richard 

* fays, " the greateft prodigality 5" fince, as he 

* elfe.where tells us, '* Loft time is never found 
* c again -, and what we cajl time enough, always 
" proves little enough :" Let us then up and 

* be doing, and doing to the purpofe ; fo by di- 

* ligence (hall we do more with lefs perplexity. 
" Sloth makes all things difficult, but induftry 
4 * all eafy$ and, He that rifeth late, muft trot 
' all day, and mall fcarce overtake his b.u- 
* finefs at night ; while lazinefs travels fo flowly, 
** that poverty foon overtakes him. Drive thy 
*' bulinefs, kt not that drive thee; and early to 
*' bed, and early to rife, makes a man healthy, 
" wealthy, and wife," as Poor Richard fays. 

' So what fignifies wifhing and hoping for 
4 better times ? We may make thefe times bet- 

* ter, if we beftir ourfelves. " Induftry need 
*' not wim, and he that lives upon hope will 
*' die fafting. There are no gains without pains ; 
** then help hands, for I have no lands," or, if 

* I have, they are fmartly taxed. " He that 
'* hath a trade, hath an eftate ; and he that hath 
" a calling, hath an office of profit and honour," 

* as Poor Richard fays 5 but then the trade muft 

' be 


* be worked at, and the calling well followed, or 

* neither the eflate nor the office will enable us 

* to pay our taxes. If we are mduftrious, we 
' mall never ftarve ; for, " at the working man's 
" houfe hunger looks in, but dares not enter." 

* Nor will the bailiff or the conftable enter, for 
" Induftry pays debts, while defpair increafeth 
" them." What though you have found no trea- 
' fure, nor has any rich relation left you a legacy, 
*' Diligence is the mother of good luck, and God 
<< gives all things to induftry. Then plow deep, 
*' while fluggards ileep, and you mall have corn 
< to fell and to keep." Work while it is called 
' to-day, for you know not how much you may 

* be hindered to-morrow. " One to-day is worth 
* two to-morrows/' as Poor Richard fays ; and 
' farther, " Never leave that till to-morrow, 
" which you can do to-day." If you were a fer- 

* vant, would you not be afhamed that a good 

* mafter fhould catch you idle ? Are you then 

* your own mafter ? be amamed to catch yourfelf 

* idle, when there is fo much to be done for 
' yourfelf, your family, your country, and your 
( king. Handle your tools without mittens, re- 
< member, that, " The cat in gloves catches no 
" mice," as Poor Richard fays. It is true, there is 

* much to be done, and, perhaps, you are weak- 
f handed; but ftick to it fteadily, and you will fee 
' great effects ; for " Conftant dropping wears 
" away (tones ; and by diligence and patience the 
" moufe ate in two the cable ; and little ftrokes 

fell great oaks." 

E 2 Methinks 



' Methinks I hear fome of you fay, " Muft a 
" man afford himfelf no leifure ?" I will tell 
thee, my friend, what Poor Richard fays; " Em 
ploy thy time well, if thou meaneft to gain lei- 
" fure; and fince thou art not fure of a minute, 
" throw not away an hour." Leifure is time for 

* doing fomething ufeful; this leifure the diligent 
' man will obtain, but the lazy man never ; for, 
" A life of leifure and a life of lazinefs are two 
" things. Many, without labour, would live by 
*' their wits only, but they break for want of 
" ftock;" whereas induftry gives comfort, and 

* plenty, and refpect. " Fly pleafures, and they 
" will follow you. The diligent fpinner has a 
*' large fhift ; and now I have a fheep and a cow, 
" every body bids me good-morrow." 

' II. But with our induftry we muft like wife 

* be fteady, fettled, and careful, and overfee our 

* own affairs with our own eyes, and not truft too 
< much to others ; for, as Poor Richard fays, 

" I never faw an oft-removed tree, 
" Nor yet an oft-removed family, 
*' That throve fo well as thofe that fettled be." 
' And again, " Three removes is as bad as a fire;" 

* and again, " Keep thy mop, and thy mop will 
4t keep thee;" and again, " If you would have your 
** bufinefs done, go; if not, fend." And again, 

" He that by the plough would thrive, 
*' Himfelf muft either hold or drive." 

* And again, " The eye of a mafter will do more 
" work than both his hands 5" and again, " Want 

" of 


** of care does us more damage than Want of know- 
*' ledge ;" and again, " Not to overfee workmen, 
" is to leave them your purfe open." Trufting 
' too much to others care is the ruin of many j 
' for, " In the affairs of this world, men are 
" faved, not by faith, but by the want of it ;" 
' But a man's own care is profitable ; for, " If 
" you would have a faithful fervant, and one that 
" you like, ferve yourfelf. A little neglect may 
" breed great mifchief; for want of a nail the 
" moe was loft -, for want of a moe the horfe was 
*' loft ; and for want of a horfe the rider was loft,'" 
' being overtaken and (lain by the enemy j all for 
' want of a little care about a horfe-fhoe nail. 

< III. So much for induftry, my friends, and 
' attention to ones own bufinefs ; but to thefe we- 
4 muft add frugality, if we would make our in- 

* duftry more certainly fuccefsful. A man may, 

* if he knows not how to fave as he gets, " keep 
" his nofe all his life to the grind- ftone, and die 
" not worth a groat at laft. A fat kitchen makes 
" a lean will j" and 

" Many eftates are fpent in the getting, 

" Since women for tea forfook fpinning and 

'* knitting, 
" And men for punch forfook hewing and 

" fplitting." 

" If you would be wealthy, think of faving, as 
*' well as of getting. The Indies have not mader 
Spain rich, becaufe her outgoes are greater 
< than her incomes." 

* Away 


' Away then, with your expenlive follies, and 
' you will not then have io much caufe to complain 

* of hard times, heavy taxes, and chargeable fa- 

* milies ; for 

" Women and wine, game and deceit, 

" Make the wealth fmall, and the want great." 

* And farther, " What maintains one vice, would 
'.' bring up two children." You may think, per- 

* haps, that a little tea, or a little punch now and 
' then, diet a little more coftly, clothes a little 
' finer, and a little entertainment now and then, 
' can be no great matter $ but remember, "Many 
*' a little makes a mickle." Beware of little ex- 

* pencesj "A fmall leak will fink a great {hip," 
' as Poor Richard fays; and again, " Who dain- 
** ties love, mall beggars prove $" and moreover, 
" Fools make feafts, and wife men eat them." 

' Here you are all got together to this fale of 
fineries and nick-nacks. You call them goods ; 
but, if you do not take care, they will prove 
evt/s to fome of you. You expect they will be 
fold cheap, and, perhaps, they may for lefs than 
they coft; but, if you have no occafion for 
them, they muft be dear to you. Remember 
what Poor Richard fays, " Buy what thou haft 
no need of, and ere long thou malt fell thy ne- 
ceflaries." And again, " At a great penny- 
worth paufe a while." He means, that per- 
haps the cheapnefs is apparent only, and not 
real j or the bargain, by ftraitening thec in thy 
bufmefs, may do thee more harm than good. 
For in another place he fays, " Many have been 

*' ruined 


* { ruined by buying good pennyworths." Again, 
<* It is foolifti to lay out momy in a purchaie of 
" repentance ; " and yet this folJy is pradifed 
every day at auctions, for want of minding the 
Almanack. Many a one, for the fake of finery 
on the back, have gone with a hungry belly, and 
half ftarved their families -, " Silks and iattins, 
" fcarlet and velvets, put out the kitchen-fire," 
as Poor Richard fays. Thefe are not the necef- 
faries of life > they can fcarcely be calkd the 
c conveniences ;. and yet only becaufe they look 

* pretty, how many want to have them ? By 
thefe, and other extravagancies, the genieel are 

* reduced to poverty, and forced to borrow of 
thofe whom they formerly defpiied, but who, 
through induftry and frugality, have maintained 
their landing ; in which cafe it appears plainly, 
that " A ploughman on his legs is higher than 
" a gentleman on his knees," as Poor Richard 

fays. Perhaps they have had a fmall eftate left 

them, which they knew not the getting of; 

they think " It is day, and will never be night ; J> 

that a little to be fpent out of fo much is not 

worth minding j but " Always taking out of 

'* the meal-tub, and never putting in* foon comes 

* { to the bottom," as Poor Ricbara^lzys ; and 

* then, " When the well is dry, they know the 
*' worth of water." But this they might have 

* known before, if they had taken his advice : 
" If you would know the value of money, go 
** and try to borrow fome ; for he that goes a 
" borrowing goes a forrowing," as >Poor Richard 

* fays j 


' fays ; and, indeed, fo does he that lends to 

* fuch people, when he goes to get it in again. 
' Poor Dick farther adviJes, and fays, 

" Fond pride of drefs is fure a very curfe ; 
" Ere fancy you confult, confult your purfe." 

* And again, *' Pride is as loud a beggar as Want, 
*' and a great deal more faucy." When you have 

* bought one fine thing, you muft buy ten more, 

* that your appearance may be all of a piece -, but 
' Poor Dick fays, "It is eafier to fupprefs the fir ft 
' defire, than to fatisfy all that follow it :" And 
*; it is as truly folly for the poor to ape the rich, as 
' for the frog to fwell, in order to equal the ox. 

" VefTels large may venture more, 

" But little boats mould keep near more." 

* It is, however, a folly foon punimed ; for, as 

* Poor Richard fays, " Pride that dines on va- 
" nity, fups on contempt $ Pride breakfafted with 
" Plenty, dined with Poverty, and fupped with 
" Infamy." And, after all, of what ufe is this 
' pride of appearance, for which fo much is 
' rifked, fo much is fufFered ? It cannot promote 
' health, nor eafe pain ; it makes no increafe of 
' merit in the perfon, it creates envy, it haftens 

* misfortune. 

' But what madnefs muft it be to run in debt for 
' thefe fuperfluities ? We are offered, by the terms 
' of this fale, fix months credit; and that, perhaps, 
' has induced fome of us to attend it, becaufe we 
' cannot fpare the ready money, and hope now to 
' be fine without it. But, ah ! think what you do 

' when 


when you run in debt j you give to another 
power over your liberty. If you cannot pay 
at the time, you will be afhamed to fee your 
creditor ; you will be in fear when you fpeak to 
him - y you will make poor pitiful fneaking ex- 
cufes, and, by degrees, come to lofe your vera 
city, and fink into bafe, downright lying j for, 
" The fecond vice is lying, thej$r/l is running 
" in debt," as Poor Richard fays ; and again, to 
' the fame purpofe, " Lying rides upon Debt's 
ce back :" whereas a free-born Englijhman ought 

* not to be amamed nor afraid to fee or fpeak 

* to any man living. But poverty often deprives 

* a man of all fpirit and virtue. " It is hard 
" for an empty bag to fland upright." What 

* would you think of that prince, or of that go- 

* vernment, who mould ifTue an edicl: forbidding 

* you to drefs like a gentleman or gentlewoman, 

* on pain of imprifonment or fervitude ? Would 

* you not fay that you were free, have a right 

* to drefs as you pleafe, and that fuch an edicl: 

* would be a breach of your privileges, and fuch 

* a government tyrannical ? And yet you are 
' about to put yourfelf under that tyranny, when 
'^you run in debt for fuch drefs ! Your creditor 

* has authority, at his pleafure, to deprive you 

* of your liberty, by confining you in gaol for 

* life, or by felling you for a fervant, if you 

* mould not be able to pay him. When you 
: have got your bargain, you may, perhaps, 

* think little of payment ; but, as Poor Richard 
: fays, " Creditors have better memories than 

F " debtors ; 


" debtors; creditors are afuperftitious fed, great 
" obfervers of let-days and times." The day 

* comes round before you are aware, and the 
' demand is made before you are prepared to 

* fatisfy it j or, if you bear your debt in mind, 
4 the term, which at firffc feemed fo long, will, 

* as it leiTens, appear extremely (liort : Time 
' will feem to have added wings to his heels as 
4 well as his moulders. " Thofe have a fhort 
" Lent, who owe money to be paid at Eafler." 
' At prefent, perhaps, you may think yourfelves 
' in thriving circumstances, and that you can bear 
' a little extravagance without injury ; but 

" For age and want fave while you may, 
" No morning-fun lafls a whole day." 
' Gain may be temporary and uncertain, but ever, 

* while you live, expence is conftant and certain; 
' and, " It is eaiier to build two chimneys, than 
" to keep one in fuel," as Poor Richard fays: So, 
* Rather go to bed fupperlefs, than rife in debt." 

" Get what you can, and what you get hold : 
*' 'Tis the ftone that will turn all your Igad 

" into gold." 

' And when you have got the philofopher's ftone, 
' fure you will no longer complain of bad times, 

* or the difficulty of paying taxes. 

* IV. This dodtrine, my friends, is reafon and 
' wifdom : But, after all, do not depend too 
' much upon your own induftry, and frugality, 
' and prudence, though excellent things; for they 
' may all be blafled, without the bleffing of Hea- 


' ven ; and, therefore, afk that bleffing humbly, 

* and be not uncharitable to thofe that at prefent 

* feem to want it, but comfort and help them. 

* Remember, Job fufFered^ and was afterwards 
' profperous. 

' And now, to conclude, " Experience keeps a 
" dear fchool, but fools will learn in no other," 
' (as Poor Richard fays) and fcarce in that ; for, 

* it is true, " We may give advice, but we can- 
" not give conduit :" However, remember this, 
" They that will not be counfelled, cannot be 
" helped ;" and farther, that " If you will not 
" hearReafon, me will furely rap your knuckles," 
' as Poor Richard fays.' 

Thus the Old Gentleman ended his harangue. 
The people heard it and approved the doctrine; 
and immediately pradifed the contrary, juft as if 
it had been a common fermon -, for the auction 
opened, and they began to buy extravagantly. 
I found the good man had thoroughly ftudied 
my Almanacks, and digefted all I had dropt on 
thofe topics during the courfe of twenty -five 
years. The frequent mention he made of me 
muft have tired any one elfe ; but my vanity was 
wonderfully delighted with it, though I was 
confcious, that not a tenth part of the wifdom 
was my own, which he afcribed to me, but ra 
ther the gleanings that I had made of the fenfe 
of all ages and nations. However, I refolved to 
be the better for the echo of it > and, though I 
had at firft determined to buy fluff for a new 

F 2 coat, 


coat, I went away, refolved to wear my old one 
a little longer. Reader, if thou wilt do the fame, 
thy profit will be as great as mine. 

I am, as ever, 

Thine to ferve thee, 


J [This piece has been printed on a fingle iheet of paper, of a 
fmall fize fit for framing, and may be had of the publilher of this 
work, price two-pence. E.] 


[G.P.] [ 37 ) 

Plan by Meffieurs Franklin and Dalrymple for 
benefiting diftant unprovided Countries $. 

Aug. 29, 1771. 

THE country called in the maps New Zealand, 
has been difcovered by the Endeavour, to be 
two iflands, together as large as Great Britain : 
thefe iflands, named Acpy-nomawee and 'Tovy- 
poennammoo, are inhabited by a brave and gene 
rous race, who are deftitute of corn, fowls, and 
all quadrupeds, except dogs. 

Thefe circumftances being mentioned lately In 
a company of men of liberal fentiments, it was 
obferved that it feemed incumbent on fuch a coun 
try as this, to communicate to all others the con 
veniences of life which we enjoy. 

Dr. Franklin, whofe life has ever been directed 
to promote the true intereft of fociety, faid, " he 
" would with all his hzzrtfubfcribe to a voyage 
" intended to communicate in general t\\ofe bene- 
*' fits which we enjoy, to countries deflitute of 
" them in the remote parts of the globe." This 

J [Thefe propofals were printed upon a fheet of paper fome two 
er three years ago, and diftributed. The parts written by Dr. Frank 
lin and Mr. Dalrymple are eafily diitinguifhed. 

By a miftake of the printer " The way to wealth" is put out of 
its place, being made to interrupt the courfe of the papers relating 
to the fubfiftence of mankind, &c. E.] 


^ 8 Plan for Civilization, &c. 

proportion being warmly adopted by the reft of 
the company, Mr. Dalrymple, then prefent, was 
induced to offer to undertake the command on 
ftich an expedition. 

On mature reflection this fcheme appears the 
more honourable to the national character of any 
which can be conceived, as it is grounded on the 
nobleft principle of benevolence. Good intentions 
are often fruftrated by letting them remain indi- 
gefted ; on this confederation Mr. Dalrymple was 
induced to put the outlines on paper, which are 
now publifhed, that by an early communication 
there may be a better opportunity of collecting 
all the hints which can conduce to execute effec 
tually the benevolent purpofe of the expedition, 
in cafe it mould meet with general approbation. 

On this fcheme being (hewn to Dr. Franklin, 
he communicated his fentiments by way of in 
troduction, to the following effect. 

" Britain is faid to have produced originally 
** nothing butjloes. What vaft advantages have 
" been communicated to her by the fruits, feeds, 
" roots, herbage, animals, and arts of other coun- 
<c tries ! We are by their means become a wealthy 
" and a mighty nation, abounding in all good 
" things. Does not fome duty hence arife from 
" us towards other countries il-ill remaining in 
" our former ftate ? 

" Britain is now the firil maritime power in 
" the world. Her fhips are innumerable, capable 
" by their form, lize, and flrength, of failing 
" all feas. Our feamen are equally bold, fkilful 

" and 

["G. P.] by Meflrs. Franklin and Dalrymple. 39 

" and hardy ; dexterous in exploring the remoter! 
" regions, and ready to engage in voyages to 
" unknown countries, though attended with the 
t( greateft dangers. The inhabitants of thofe 
" countries, our fellow men, have canoes only, 
" not knowing iron, they cannot build mips ; 
ff they have little aflronomy, and no knowlege 
" of the compafs to guide them : they cannot 
" therefore come to us, or obtain any of our 
" advantages. From thefe circumftances, does 
" not fome duty feem to arife from us to them ? 
'" Does not Providence by thefe diflinguifhing 
et favours feem to call on us to do fomething 
" ourlelves for the common intereft of huma- 
" nity ? 

" Thofe who think it their duty to afk bread 
." and other bleffings daily from heaven, would 
" they not think it equally a duty to communi- 
" cate of thofe bleffings when they have received 
" them ; and mow their gratitude to their great 
" Benefactor by the only means in their power, 
" promoting the happinefs of his other children ? 

" Ceres is faid to have made a journey through 
" many countries to teach the ufe of corn, and 
" the art of raifmg it. For this iingle benefit 
" the grateful nations deified her. How much 
'* more may Englifhmen deferve fuch honour, by 
" communicating the knowledge and ufe not of 
" corn only, but of all the other enjoyments 
" earth can produce, and which they are now 
V in porleffion of. Communiter bona profundere, 
" Deum eft. 

" Many 



40 Plan for Civilization, &c. 

" Many voyages have been undertaken with 
" views of profit or of plunder, or to gratify 
" refentment ; to procure fome advantage to 
<( ourfelves, or do fome mifchief to others : but 
" a voyage is now propofed to viiit a diftant 
* c people on the other fide the globe; not to 
* { cheat them, not to rob them, not to feize their 
lands, or enflave their perfons; but merely to do 
them good, and make them, as far as in our 
" power lies, to live as comfortably as ourfelves. 

*' It feems a laudable wifh that all the nations 
** of the earth were conne&ed by a knowlege of 
** each other, and a mutual exchange of benefits : 
but a commercial nation particularly mould 
wifli for a general civilization of mankind, 
*' lince trade is always carried on to much greater 
" extent with people who have the arts and con- 
*' veniencies of life, than it can be with naked 
" favages. We may therefore hope in this un- 
" dertaking to be of fome fervice to our country, 
" as well as to thofe poor people, who, however 
" diftant from us, are in truth related to us, and 
" whofe interefts do, in fome degree, concern 
" every one who can fay Homofum, &c." 

Scheme of a voyage by fubfcription, to convey the 
conveniencies of life, as fowls, hogs, goats, cattle, 
corn, iron, &c. to thofe remote regions which are 
deftitute of them, and to bring from thence fuch 
productions as can be cultivated in this kingdom 
to the advantage of fociety, in a fhip under the 
command of Alexander Dalrymple. 


[G.P.] ly Meffrs. Franklin and Dalrymple. 41 

Catt or Bark, from the coal trade, 

of 350 tons, eftimated at about - - 2006 
Extra expences, ftores, boats, 6cc, - - 3000 

To be manned with 60 men at 

4^ man <jprnonth 



Irovifions 86 * * three yew. 864* 

Cargo included, fuppofed - - 

The expences of this expedition are calculated 
for three years; but the greateft part of the 
amount of wages will not be wanted till the mip 
returns, and a great part of the expence of pro- 
vifions will be faved by what is obtained in the 
courfe of the voyage by barter or otherwife, tho* 
it is proper to make provifion for contingencies* 


[ 42 I 

Extraft of a Letter to Dr. Percival, concerning 
the Provifio'n made in China agalnjl Famine* 

T HAVE fome where read that in China an ao 
* count is yearly taken of the number of people, 
and the quantities of provifion produced. This 
account is tranfmitted to the Emperor, whofe 
minifters can thence forefee a fcarcity likely to 
happen in any province, and from what province 
it can beft be fupplied in good time. To facilitate 
the collecting of this account, and prevent the 
neceflity of entering houfes and 'fpending time in 
afldng and anfwering queftions, each houfe is 
furnimed with a little board to be hung without 
the door, during a certain time each year -, or 
which board are marked certain words, againlt 
which the inhabitant is to mark number or quan 
tity, fbmewhat in this manner : 

Rice or Wheat, 
Flefh, &c. 

All under 16 are accounted children, and all 
men and wonien, Any other particulars 


[G. P.] Chinefe Provifitn againft Pamine. 43 

which the government defires information of, 
are ocean* onally marked on the fame boards. Thus 
the officers appointed to collect the accounts in 
each diftrict, have only to pafs before the doors, 
and enter into their book what they find marked 
on the board, without giving the leaft trouble to 
the family. There is a penalty on marking falfely, 
and as neighbours muft know nearly the truth of 
each others account, they dare not expofe them- 
felves by a falfe one, to each others accufation. 
Perhaps fuch a regulation is fcarcely practicable 
with us *. 

[* The above paflage is taken from Dr. Percival's EiTays, VoL . 
III. p. 25, being an extraft from a letter written to him, by Dr. 
Franklin, on the fubjeft of his obfervations on the ftate of popu 
lation in Manchefter and other adjacent places. E.J 


[ 44 J 

Pofitlons to be Examined*. 

food or fubfiftence for mankinj 
arife from the earth or waters. 

2. NeceiTaries of life that are not foods, and 
all other conveniencies, have their values efti- 
mated by the proportion of food confumed while 
we are employed in procuring them. 

3. A fmall people with a large territory may 
fubfift on the productions of nature, with no 
other labour than that of gathering the vegeta 
bles and catching the animals. 

4. A large people with a fmall territory finds 
thefe inefficient, and to fubfift, muft labour the 
earth, to make it produce greater quantities of 
vegetable food, fuitable for the nourimment of 
men, and of the animals they intend to eat. 

5. From this labour arifcs a great increafe of 
vegetable and animal food, and of materials for 
clothing, as flax r wool, filk, &c. The fuper- 
fluity of thefe is wealth. With this wealth we 
pay for the labour employed in building our 
houfes, cities, &c. which are therefore only 
fubliftence thus metamorphofed, . 

6. Manufactures are only another ft ape into 
which fo much provifions and fubfifterice are 

* [This article has been inserted in The Repo/ttory for felefc 
papers on Agriculture, drtt, and M&wfatfurtf t Vol. I. page 
3$o, E.j 


[G. P.] Pofitions to be 'Examined. 

turned, as were equal In 'value to the manufac 
tures produced. This appears from hence, that 
the manufacturer does not, in fact, obtain from 
the employer, for his labour, more than a mere 
fubfiftence, including raiment, fuel and flicker; 
all which derive their value from the provifions 
confumed in procuring them. 

7. The produce of the earth, thus converted 
into manufactures, may be more ealily carried to 
diftant markets than before fuch converfion.. 

8. Fair commerce is, where equal values are 
exchanged for equal, the expence of tranfport 
included. Thus, if it coils A in England 'as much 
labour and charge to raife a bufhel of wheat, as 
it cofts B in France to produce four gallons of 
wine, then are four gallons of wine the fair ex 
change for a bufhel of wheat, A and B meeting 
at half diftance with their commodities to make 
*the exchange. The advantage of this fair com- 
Bierce is, that each party increafes the number of 
his enjoyments, having, inftead of wheat alone, 
or wine alone, the ufe of both wheat and wine. 

9. Where the labour and expence of producing 
both commodities are known to both parties,, 
bargains will generally be fair and equal. Where 
they are known to one party only, bargains will 
often be unequal,, knowledge taking its advantage 
of ignorance. 

10.. Thus he that carries 1000 buhels of 
wheat abroad to fell, may not probably obtain; 
& great a profit thereon, as if he had firft turned 
*he wheat into manufa&ures,, by fubfifting there 

46 -Po/itions to It Examined. 

with the workmen while producing thofe manu* 
failures : fince there are many expediting and 
facilitating methods of working, not generally 
known j and Grangers to the manufactures, 
though they know pretty well the expence of 
railing wheat, are unacquainted with thofe mort 
methods of working, and thence being apt to 
fuppofe more labour employed in the manufac 
tures than there really is, are more eafily im- 
poied on in their value, and induced to allow 
more for them than they are honeflly worth. 

11. Thus the advantage of having manu 
factures in a country, does not confift, as is 
commonly fuppofed, in their highly advancing 
the value of rough materials, of which they 
are formed; iince, though fix-pennyworth of 
flax may be worth twenty millings when worked 
into lace, yet the very caufe of its being worth 
twenty millings is, that, befides the flax, it 
has coft nineteen millings and fixpence in fub- 
fiftence to the manufacturer. But the advan 
tage of manufactures is, that under their ihape 
provifions may be more eafily carried to a fo 
reign market j and by their means our traders 
may more eafily cheat ftrangers. Few, where 
it is not made, are judges of the value of lace. 
The importer may demand forty, and perhaps 
get thirty {hillings for that which coft him but 

12. Finally, there feem to be but three ways 
for a nation to acquire wealth. The firft is by 

, as the Romans did, in plundering their con 

[G. P.] Pofitiom to be Examined* 47 

quered neighbours. This is robbery. The fecond 
by commerce, which is, generally cheating. The 
third by agriculture, the only boneft way, wherein 
man receives a real increafe of the feed thrown 
into the ground, in a kind of continual miracle 
wrought by the hand of God in his favour, as 
a reward for his innocent life, and his virtuous 

B. F. 

April 4, 1769, 



[ 4 1 

POLITICAL FRAGMENTS; fuppofed either 
to be written by Dr. Franklin, or to contain 
fentments nearly allied to his own*. 

{ i. Of the Employment of Time, and of Indolence $ 
particularly as re/petfzng the State.] 

AL L that live muft be fubfifted. Subfiftence 
cofts fomething. He that is induftrious 
produces, by his induftry, fomething that is aa 
equivalent, and pays for his fubfifterice : lie is 
therefore no charge or burden to fociety. The 
indolent are an expence uncompenfated. 

There can be no doubt but all kinds of em 
ployment that can be followed without prejudice 
from interruptions ; work that can be taken up, 
and laid down, often in a day, without damage ; 
(fuch as fpinning, knitting, weaving, &c.) are 
highly advantageous to a community; becaufe, 
in them, may be colle&ed all the produce of thofe 
fragments of time, that occur in family-bufinefs, 
between the conftant and necefTary parts of it, that 

* [The political fragments which are here prefented to the reader, 
were gathered up from the notes, annexed to a pamphlet called The 
Principles of Trade, printed for Brother ton and Se-ivel, London, 1774, 
fecond edition. The writer of this work fpeaks of affiftance lent to 
him, in the following paflage in his preface. * Some very reipeft- 

* able friends have indulged me with their ideas and opinions. It 
' is with the greateft pleafure we in this fecond edition moft grate- 

* fully acknowledge the favour; and muft add, that mould the 
' public holct this performance in any eftimation, no fmall mare 

* belongs to thofe friends.' Our author is one of the refpedable 
friends here alluded to. E. J 

uf LI ally 


ufually occupy females; as the time between rifing 
and preparing for breakfaft, between breakfaft and 
preparing for dinner, &c. &c. The amount of 
all thefe fragments, is, in the cotirfe of a year, 
very con iiderable to a (ingle family; to a ftate 
proportionally. Highly profitable therefore it is, 
in this cafe alfo, to follow that divine direction, 
gather up the fragments that nothing be loft. Loft 
time is loft fubfiitence ; it is therefore loft trea- 

Hereby in feveral families, many yards of linen 
have been produced from the employment of thofe 
fragments only, in one year, though fuch fami 
lies were juft the fame in number as when not fo 

It was an excellent faying of a certain Chinefe 
Emperor, / will, if pojjible, have no idlenefs in my 
dominions ; for if there be one man idle, feme other 
man muji Juffer cold or hunger. We take this 
Emperor's meaning to be, that the labour due to 
the public by each individual, not being per 
formed by the indolent, muft naturally fall to the. 
fhare of others, who muft thereby fuffer. 

[ 2. Of Embargoes upon Corn, and of the Poor. ] 

In inland high countries, remote from the fea, 
and whofe rivers are fmall, runmngfrom the coun 
try, and not to it, as is the cafe of Switzerland; 
great diftrefs may arife from a courfe of bad har- 
vefts, if public granaries are not provided, and 
kept well ftored. Anciently too, before naviga- 

H tion 


tion was fo general, mips fo plenty, and com 
mercial connections fo well eftablimed ; even ma 
ritime countries might be occafionally diftrefTed 
by bad crops. But fuch is now the facility of 
communication between thofe countries, that an 
unreftrained commerce can fcarce ever fail of pro 
curing a fufficiency for any of them. If indeed 
any government is fo imprudent, as to lay its 
hands on imported corn, forbid its exportation, 
or compel its fale at limited prices ; there the 
people may fuffer fome famine from merchants 
avoiding their ports. But wherever commerce is 
known to be always free, and the merchant ab- 
folute matter of his commodity, as in Holland, 
there will always be a reafonable fupply. 

When an exportation of corn takes place, oc- 
cafioned by a higher price in fome foreign coun 
tries, it is common to raife a clamour, on the fup- 
pofition that we mall thereby produce a domeftic 
famine. Then follows a prohibition, founded on 
the imaginary diftrefs of the poor. The poor, to 
be fure, if in diftrefs, mould be relieved ; but if 
the farmer could have a high price for his corn 
from the foreign demand, muft he by a prohi 
bition of exportation be compelled to take a low 
price, not of the poor only, but of every one that 
eats bread, even the richeft ? the duty or relieving 
the poor is incumbent on the rich ; but by this 
operation the whole burden of it is laid on the 
farmer, who is to relieve the rich at the fame time. 
Of the poor too, thole who are maintained by the 
parimes have no right to claim this facrifice of the 

farmer j 


farmer ; as, while they have their allowance, it 
makes no difference to them, whether bread be 
cheap or dear. Thole working poor, who now 
mind bufmefs only Jive or four days in the week, 
if bread mould be fo dear as to oblige them to 
work the wholeyfo required by the commandment, 
do not feem to be aggrieved, fo as to have a right 
to public redrefs. There will then remain, com 
paratively, only a few families in every diftrict, 
who, from ficknefs or a great number of chil 
dren, will be fo diftreffed by a high price of corn, 
as to need relief; and thefe fhould be taken care 
of by particular benefactions, without reftrainihg 
the farmer's profit. 

Thofe who fear, that exportation may fo far 
drain the country of corn, as to ftarve ourfelves, 
fear what never did, nor ever can happen. They 
may as well, when they view the tide ebbing to 
wards the fea, fear that all the water will leave 
the river. The price of corn, like water, will 
find its own level. The more we export, the 
dearer it becomes at home ; the more is received 
abroad, the cheaper it becomes there; and, as fbon 
as thefe prices are equal, the exportation flops of 
courfe. As the feafons vary in different countries, 
the calamity of a bad harveft is never univerfal. If 
then, all ports were always open, and all com 
merce free ; every maritime country would gene^ 
rally eat bread at the medium price, or average of 
all the harvefls ; which would probably be more, 
equal than we can make it by our artificial regu 
lations, and therefore a more fleady encourage- 

H 2 ment 


ment to agriculture. The nation would all have 


tread at this middle price; and that nation, which 
at any time inhumanely refufes to relieve the dif- 
trefles of another nation, defer ves no compaffion 
when in diflrefs itfelf. 

[ 3- Of the Effetf of Dearnefs of Provifions upon 
Working, and upon Manufactures.] 

The common people do not work for pleafure 
generally, but from neceffity. Cheapneis of pro- 
vifions makes them more idle ; lefs work is then 
done, it is then more in demand proportionally, 
and of courfe the price rifes. Dearnefs of provi- 
fions obliges the manufacturer to work more days 
and more hours ; thus more work is done than 
equals the ufual demand; of courfe it becomes 
cheaper, and the manufactures in confequence. 

[ 4. Of an open Trade.] 

Perhaps, in general, it would be better if go 
vernment meddled no farther with trade, than to 
protect it, and let it take its courfe. Moft of the 
ftatutes or acts, edicts, arrets, and placarts of 
parliaments, princes, and flates, for regulating, 
directing, or reftraining of trade; have, we think, 
been either political blunders, or jobs obtained 
by artful men for private advantage under pre 
tence of public good. When Colbert affembled 
fome wife old merchants of France, and defired 
their advice and opinion how he could beft ferve 
and promote commerce; their anfwer, after con- 



fultation, was in three words only, Laiffez nous 
falre -, ' Let us alone/ It is faid by a very folid 
writer of the fame nation, that he is well advanced 
in the fcience of politics, who knows the full 
force of that maxim, Pas trop gouverner, ' not to 
' govern too much ;' which, perhaps, would b& 
of more ufe when applied to trade, than in any 
other public concern. It were therefore to be 
wifhed, that commerce were as free between all 
the nations of the world, as it is between the fe- 
veral counties of England-, fo would all, by mutual 
communication, obtain more enjoyments. Thofe 
counties do not ruin each other by trade, neither 
would the nations. No nation was ever ruined by 
trade, even, feemingly, the moft difadvantageous. 
Wherever deniable fuperfluities are imported, 
induftry is excited, and thereby plenty is pro 
duced. Were only neceflaries permitted to be 
purchafed, men would work no more than was 
necefTary for that purpofe. 

[ c . Of Prohibitions with refpeft to the Exportation 
of Gold and Siher. ] 

Could Spain and PortugalhzvQ fucceeded in ex 
ecuting their foolifh laws for hedging in the cuckow, 
as Locke calls it, and have kept at home all their 
gold and filver, thofe metals would by this time, 
have been of little more value than fo much lead 
or iron. Their plenty would have leflened their 
value. We fee the folly of thefe edids : but are 
not our own prohibitory and reftriclive laws, that 



are profefledly made with intention to bring a ba 
lance in our favour from our trade with foreign 
nations to be paid in money, and laws to prevent 
the neceffity of exporting that money, which if 
they could be thoroughly executed, would make 
money as plenty, and of as little value ; I fay, are 
not fuch laws akin to thofe Spanifo edicts ; follies 
of the fame family ? 

[ 6. Of the Returns for foreign Articles. ] 

In fact, the produce of other countries can hardly 
be obtained, unlefs by fraud and rapine, without 
giving the produce of our land or our indujlry in ex 
change for them. If we have mines of gold and 
lilver, gold and filver may then be called the pro 
duce of our land : if we have not, we can only 
fairly obtain thofe metals by giving for them the 
produce of our land or induftry. When we have 
them, they are then only that produce or induftry 
in another fhape ; which we may give, if the 
trade requires it and our other produce will not 
fuit, in exchange for the produce of fome other 
country that furriimes what we have more occa- 
iion for, or more defire. When we have, to an 
inconvenient degree, parted with our gold and 
iilver, our induftry is ftimulated afrem to procure 
more - y that, by its means, we may contrive to 
procure the fame advantage. 

[ ? OfReJlraints upon Commerce in Time of War.] 

When princes make war by prohibiting com 
merce, each may hurt himfelf as much as his 



enemy. Traders, who by their bulinefs are pro 
moting the common good of mankind, as well as 
farmers and fi mermen who labour for thefublift- 
ence of all, mould never be interrupted, or mo- 
lefted in their bulinefs; but enjoy the protection 
of all in the time of war, as well as in time of 

This policy, thofe we are pleafed to call Bar* 
barians, have, in a great meafure ? adopted 5 for 
the trading fubje&s of any power, with whom the 
Emperor of Morocco may be at war, are not liable 
to capture, when within fight of his land, going 
or coming -, and have otherwife free liberty to 
trade and refide in his dominions. 

As a maritime power, we prefume it is not 
thought right, that Great Britain mould grant 
fuch freedom, except partially ; as in the cafe of 
war with France, when tobacco is allowed to be 
fent thither under the fan&ion of paflports. 

[ 8 . Exchanges in Tirade may be gainful to 
each Party. ] 

In tranfadtions of trade, it is not to be fuppofed, 
that like gaming, what one party gains the other 
muft necefTarily lofe. The gain to each may be 
equal. If A has more corn than he can confume, 
but wants cattle ; and B has more cattle, but 
wants corn, exchange is gain to each : hereby the 
common ftock of comforts in life is increafed. 

[ 9- Of 


[ 9. Of Paper Credit. ] 

It is impofiible for government to circumfcribe, 
or fix the extent of paper credit, which muft of 
courfe fluctuate. Government may as well pre 
tend to lay down rules for the operations, or the- 
confidence of every individual in the courfe of his 
trade. Any feeming temporary evil arifing, mull 
naturally work its own cure *. 

[ * The reader will fee Dr. Franklin's fentiments on paper cur- 
?ncies in the fequei of this work. . j 

[G.P.] [ 57 ] 

On the Price of Corn) and Management of 
the POOR*. 

Tb Mejfieurs the PUBLIC. 

I AM one of that clafs of people that feeds you 
all, and at prefent is abufed by you all ; ia 
mort, I am a farmer. 

By your news-papers we are told, that God had 
fent a very mort harveft to fome other countries of 
Europe. I thought this might be in favour of 
Old England; and that now we mould get a good 
price for our grain, which would bring millions 
among us, and make us flow in money : that to 
be fure is fcarce enough. 

[ * The following extracts of a letter figned Columella, and ad- 
drefled to the editors of the Repofitory for felefl papers on Agriculture* 
Arts, andManufafluret, (See Vol. I. p. 352.) will again ferve the 
purpofe of preparing thofe who read it, for entering upon this paper. 


* THERE is now publiming in France a periodical work, called 
Ephemeridis du Cittyen, in which feveral points interefting to thofe 
concerned in agriculture, are from time to time difcufled by fome 
able hands. In looking over one of the volumes of this work a 
few days ago, I found a little piece written by one of our country 
men, and which our vigilant neighbours had taken from the Lon 
don Chronicle in 1766. The author is a gentleman well known 
to every man of letters in Europe, and perhaps there is none, in 
this age, to whom mankind in general are more indebted. 
' That this piece may not be loft to our own country, I beg you 
will give it a place in your Repofitory : it was written in favor 
of the farmers, when they fuffered fo much in our public paper?, 
and were alfo plundered by the mob in many places. 
The principles on which this piece is grounded, are given more 
at large in the Political Fragments, art. 2. fee p. 49. E.J 

1 But 


But the wifdom of government forbad the ex 
portation *. 

Well, fays I, then we mull: be content with 
the market-price at home. 

No, fay my Lords the mob, you fha'n't have 
that. Bring your corn to market if you dare ; 
we'll fell it for you, for lefs money, or take it 
for nothing. 

Being thus attacked by both ends of the con- 
flitution> the head and the tail of government, what 
am I to do? 

Muft I keep my corn in the barn to feed, and 
Micreafe the breed of rats ? be it fo > they 
cannot be lefs thankful, than thofe I have been 
ufed to feed. 

Are we farmers the only people to be grudged 
the profits of our honeft labour ? And why ? 
One of the late fcribblers againft us, gives a 
bill of fare of the provifions at my daughter's 
wedding, and proclaims to all the world, that 
we had the infolence to eat beef and pudding ! 
Has he not read the precept in the good book, 
'Thou Jhalt not muzzle the mouth of the ox that 
treadeth out the corn -, or does he think us lefs 
worthy of good living than our oxen ? 

O, but the manufacturers ! the manufacturers ! 
they are to be favoured, and they muft have 
bread at a cheap rate ! 

* [It is not neceflary to repeat in what degree Dr. Franklin refpefted 
the minifters, to whom he alludes. The embargo upon corn was 
but a fingle meafure : which, it is enough to fay, an hoft of politi 
cians thought well-advifed, but ill-defended. Of the great and 
honourable fervices of the Earl of Chatham to his country, Dr. 
borne the ampleft teilimony. E.] 


Hark ye, Mr. Oaf; The farmers live fplen- 
didly, you fay. And pray, would you have 
them hoard the money they get? Their fine 
clothes and furniture, do they make them them- 
felves or for one another, and fo keep the mo 
ney among them ? Or, do they employ thefe 
your darling manufacturers, and ib fcatter it 
again all over the nation ? 

The wool would produce me a better price, 
if it were fuffered to go to foreign markets ; 
but that, Meflieurs the Public, your laws will 
not permit. It mufl be kept all at home, that 
our dear manufacturers may have it the cheaper. 
And then, having yourfelves thus leffened our 
encouragement for raifing fheep, you curfe us 
for the fcarcity of mutton ! 

I have heard my grandfather fay, that the 
farmers fubmitted to the prohibition on the ex 
portation of wool, being made to expect and be 
lieve that when the manufacturer bought his 
wool cheaper, they mould alfo have their cloth 
cheaper. But the deuce a bit. It has been grow 
ing dearer and dearer from that day to this. 
How fo ? Why, truly, the cloth is exported ; 
and that keeps up the price. 

Now if it be a good principle, that the ex 
portation of a commodity is to be retrained, 
that fo our people at home may have it the 
cheaper -, flick to that principle, and go tho 
rough flitch with it. Prohibit the exportation of 
your cloth, your leather, and fhoes, your iron 
ware, and your manufactures of all forts, to 

I 2 make 


make them all cheaper at home. And cheap 
enough they will be, I will warrant you till 
people leave off making them. 

N Some folks feem to think they ought never to 
be eafy till England becomes anotherLubberland, 
where it is fancied the flreets are paved with 
penny-rolls, the houfes tiled with pancakes, and 
chickens, ready roafted, cry, Come eat me. 

I fay, when you are fure you have got a good 
principle, flick to it, and carry it thorough. 
I hear it is faid, that though it was neceffary and 

right for the m y to advife a prohibition of 

the exportation of corn, yet it was contrary to 
law, and alfo, that though it was contrary to 
law for the mob to obftrucl: waggons, yet it was 
neceffary and right. Juft the fame thing to a 
tittle. Now they tell me, an adt of indemnity 

ought to pafs in favour of the m y, to fecure 

them from the confequences of having acted il 
legally. If fo, pafs another in favour of the 
mob. Others fay, fome of the mob ought to 

be hanged, by way of example. If fo, but 

I fay no more than I have faid before, when you 
are Jure that you have got a good principle, go through 
with it. 

You fay, poor labourers cannot afford to buy 
bread at a high price, unlefs they had higher 
wages. Pombly. But how fhall we farmers 
be able to afford our labourers higher wages, if 
you will not allow us to get, when we might 
have it, a higher price for our corn ? 



By all that I can learn, we mould at leaft have 
had a guinea a quarter more, if the exportation 
had been allowed. And this money England 
would have got from foreigners. 

But, it feems, we farmers rnuft take fo much 
lefs, that the poor may have it fo much cheaper. 

This operates then as a tax for the mainte 
nance of the poor. A very good thing, you 
will fay. But 1 afk, why a partial tax ? Why 
laid on us farmers only ? If it be a good thing, 
pray, Meffieurs the Public, take your mare of 
it, by indemnifying us a little out of your pub 
lic treafury. In doing a good thing, there is 
both honour and pleasure -, you are welcome to 
your mare of both. 

For my own part, I am not fo well fatisfied of 
the goodnefs of this thing. I am for doing good 
to the poor, but i differ in opinion about the 
means. I think the beft way of doing good to 
the poor, is not making them eafy in poverty, but 
leading or driving them out of it. In my youth 
I travelled much, and I obferved in different 
countries, that the more public provifions were 
made for the poor, the lefs they provided for 
themfelves, and of courfe became poorer. And, 
on the contrary, the lefs was done for them, the 
more they did for themfelves, and became richer. 
There is no country in the world where fo many 
provifions are eftablifhed for them -, fo many hof- 
pitals to receive them when they are fick or lame, 
founded and maintained by voluntary charities ; 
fo many alms-houfes for the aged of both fexes, 



together with a folemn general law made by the 
rich to fubject their eflates to a heavy tax for the 
fupport of the poor. Under all thele obligations, 
are our poor modeft, humble, and thankful ? and 
do they ufe their beft endeavours to maintain 
themfelves, and lighten our fhoulders of this bur 
then ? On the contrary, I affirm that there is 
no country in the world in which the poor are 
more idle, diffolute, drunken, and infolent. The 
day you paffed that act, you took away from be 
fore their eyes the greateft of all inducements to 
Induftry, frugality, and fobriety, by giving them 
a dependance on fomewhat elfe than a careful ac 
cumulation during youth and health, for fupport 
In age or ficknefs. In ihort, you offered a pre 
mium for the encouragement of idlenefs, and you 
mould not now wonder that it has had its effect 
in the increafe of poverty. Repeal that law, and 
you will foon fee a change in their manners, 
Saint Monday and Saint c Tuefday, will foon ceafe 
to be holidays. Six days Jh alt thou labour ', though 
one of the old commandments long treated as out 
of date, will again be looked upon as a refpedtable 
precept ; induftry will increafe, and with it plenty 
among the lower people ; their circum fiances will 
mend, and more will be done for their happinefs 
by inuring them to provide for themfelves, than 
eould be done by dividing all your eftates among 

Excufe me, Meffieurs the Public, if upon this 
inter efting fubject, I put you to the trouble of 
reading a little of wy nonfenfe; I am fure I have 



lately read a great deal of 'yours ; and therefore 
from you (at leaft from thofe of you who are 
writers) I deferve a little indulgence. 

I am yours, &c. 


[* The late Mr. Owen Ruffhead being fome time ago employed 
in preparing a Digeft of our Poor laws, communicated a copy of 
it to Dr. Franklin for his advice. Dr. Franklin recommended that 
provifion fhould be made therein, for the printing on a meet of 
paper and difperfing, in each parifh in the kingdom, annual accounts 
of every difburfement and receipt of its officers. It is obvious to 
remark how greatly this muft tend to check both the officers and 
the poor, and to inform- and intereft the parifhioners with refpecl: 
to parifh concerns. Some of \h& American colonies actually praclife 
this- meaftrre with a fuccefs which might juftify its adoption here. 

Later improvements however in our Engll/h poor laws, have 
not only been meditated, but attempted. In particular, in 1773* 
an aft of parliament was propofed, in order to invite the poor to 
fet apart money for the purchafe of annuities, in all parifhes and 
townfhips managing the poor's-rate, that could admit of, and would 
formally confent to the regulation. Some of the particulars of this 
fcheme were as follows. The annuities, which to accommodate 
the poor were payable quarterly, were in no cafe to exceed 20 /. and 
no principal purchafe money was to be received of lefs amount than 
c /. at a time ; the parties might choofe any age for the purchafe 
between 15 and 75, but they could not receive the annuity before 
50 if men, and 35 if women, the annuity in the mean time in- 
creafing in proportion as they had waited ; the annuities alfo could 
not knowingly be granted to any but thofe entitled to legal parifh 
fettlements, nor for any other lives than thofe of the grantees ; though 
they were faleable, provided the firlt refufal of them was offered to 
the grantors. The proper officers of the parifh or townfhip (who 
were conftituted the grantors,) in order to effect thefe purpofes,. 
were to be eredled into a corporation with a feal ; the grants (which 
were framed according to a prefcribed and cheap form, and pro- 
tedledfrom frauds) were to be in feveralways authenticated and pre- 
ferved ; the annuities were to be taken up in fome parliamentary 
fund, after the rate of 3 percent, intereft, negociable at the bank 
of England ; and the accounts after being properly kept and figned, 


[ 64 ] 

"On SMUGGLING, and its various Species *. 


/ T V HERE are many people that would be 
-* thought, and even think themfelves, boneft 
men, who fail neverthelefs in particular points 
ofhonefty; deviating from that character fome- 
times by the prevalence of mode or cuftom, and 
fometimes through mere inattention -, fo that 


* [This letter is extra&ed from the London Chronicle for No 
vember 24, 1767, and is addrefled to the printer of that news 
paper. E.] 

were to be annually audited and recorded with the juftices at the 
quarter-feflions. The relief to the poor in cafe of delay of payment 
was fummary and almoft inftanc; but in return, the corporation 
might receive gifts and legacies, and have the benefit of all neglected 
annuities, to the eating of the poor's-rate ; befides other advantages 
given them by the calculations, particularly that arising from a low 
ftandard of intereft, which neceflarily rendered the terms of the annuity 
in proportion dearer to the poor. It was thought that domeftic 
ufe and ceconomy were concerned, in thus refcuing fomewhat from 
profligacy and unhealthy debauchery, in applying the furplus of 
health and of ftrength to the relief of the penury and infirmities of 
age, and in promoting good habits ; yet without depriving the 
ftate on the whole of effectual labour, or leaving it incumbered with 
the charge of individuals, who might aflift themfelves. But this 
fcheme, which was propofed by Baron Maferes, regulated and fu- 
perintended as to the calculations by Dr. Price, and fupported by 
Sir George Savile and Mr. Dowdefwell, only paffed the commons : 
It was rejedled by the lords ; chiefly becaufe the landed interert 
there was alarmed at the poor's rate being made the fecurity for 
the annuities, in cafe of deficiency in the funds. 

However the burthen of the poor's-rate was ftill felt too confidera- 
ble not to demand enquiry ; and an aft foon pafled, calling for a 
general abftradlof the returns made by the overfeers of the poor. It 
appeared in conference, that there were 


[G. P.] ON SMUGGLING, &c. 65 

their honefty is partial only, and not general or uni- 
verfal. Thus one who would fcorn to over-reach 
you in a bargain, mall make no fcruple of tricking 
you a little now and then at cards -, another that 
plays with the utmoft fairnefs, fhall with great 
freedom cheat you in the fale of a horfe. But there 
is no kind of dimoriefty, into which otherwife 
good people more eafily and frequently fall, than 
that of defrauding government of its revenues by 
fmuggling when they have an opportunity, or 
encouraging fmugglers by buying their goods. 

Totals raifed by the 

poor's-rate, from Eafter Of which there was expended 

'775* to Eafter 1776, on the poor alone, 

In England 1,679,585 1,523,164 

And in Wales 40,732 33,641 

1,720,317 1,556,80? 

The remainder of the Aim raifed was applied to county ufes, ex 
cept about 26,000!. which feems not to have been brought into the 
year's account. Nearly one twentieth of the enormous fum expend 
ed on the poor, was for the fingle article of rent, &c. and the liti 
gations concerning fettlements and the removal of paupers made 
another article of nearly half the fame amount. In Davenant we 
find an eftimate of the poor's-rate, made towards the latter end of 
Charles the fecond's reign, by a reafonable medium, as he ftates, 
of feveral years : 

The grofs fums are, For England 631,609 
And for Wales 33,753 


So that while the poor's-rate of Wales has remained in a manner 
ftationary for this period, that of England does not fall much Ihort 
of being trebled. 

Since the year 1776, no farther public meafures feem to have 
been taken refpedling the regulation of the poor. 

(See on the above fubjefts, The propofed aft of parliament, with 
the annexed tables and inftruftions, printed for Eyre and Strahan? 
alfo the Abftraft of the returns of the poor's-rate, printed for ditto; 
Dr. Price on payments, 3d edit. p. 115; and Whitworth's Davenant, 
Vol. I. p. 39.) E.] 

K I fell 


I fell into thefe reflections the other day, on 
hearing two gentlemen of reputation difcourfmg 
about a fmall eftate, which one of them was in 
clined to fell, and the other to buy ; when the 
feller, in recommending the place, remarked, 
that its fituation was very advantageous on this 
account, that being on the fea-coaft in a fmug- 
gling country, one had frequent opportunities 
of buying many of the expeniive articles ufed in 
a family, (fuch as tea, coffee, chocolate, brandy, 
wines, cambricks, BrufTels laces, French filks, 
and all kinds of India goods,) 20, 30, and in 
fome articles 50 per cenf. cheaper than they 
could be had in the more interior parts, of 
traders that paid duty. The other honejl gentle 
men allowed this to be an advantage, but in- 
fifted that the feller, in the advanced price he 
demanded on that account, rated the advantage 
much above its value. And neither of them 
feemed to think dealing with fmugglers, a prac 
tice that att honejl man (provided he got his 
goods cheap) had the leaft reafon to be amamed 

At a time when the load of our public debt, 
and the heavy expence of maintaining our fleets 
and armies to be ready for our defence on occa- 
iion, makes it neceflfary not only to continue 
old taxes, but often to look out for new ones ; 
perhaps it may not be unufeful to ftate this mat 
ter in a light that few feem to have conlidered 
it in. 



The people of Great Britain, under the happy 
inftitution of this country, have a privilege few 
other countries enjoy, that of choofing the third 
branch of the legiflature; which branch has 
.alone the power of regulating their taxes. Now 
whenever the government finds it neceflary for 
the common benefit, advantage, and fafety of 
the nation, for the fecurity of our liberties, pro 
perty, religion, and every thing that is dear to 
us ; that certain fums fhall be yearly raifed by 
taxes, 'duties, &c. and paid into the public 
treafury, thence to be difpenfed by government 
for thofe purpofes ; ought not every honeft man 
freely and willingly to pay his juft proportion 
of this necefTary expence ? Can he poffibly pre- 
ferve a right to that character, if by any fraud, 
ftratagem, or contrivance, he avoids that pay 
ment in whole or in part ? 

What mould we think of a companion, who 
having fupped with his friends at a tavern, and 
partaken equally of the joys of the evening with 
the reft of us, would neverthelefs contrive by 
fome artifice to fhift his lhare of the reckoning 
upon others, in order to go off fcot-free ? If a 
man who praftifed this, would, when detected, 
be deemed and called a fcoundrel; what ought 
he to be called, who can enjoy all the ineftimable 
benefits of public fociety, and yet by fmuggling, 
or dealing with fmugglers, contrive to evade 
paying his juft mare of the expence, as fettled, 
by his own reprefentatives in parliament; and 
wrongfully throw it upon his honefter and per- 

K 2 haps 


haps much poorer neighbours ? He will perhaps 
be ready to tell me, that he does not wrong his 
neighbours ; he fcorns the imputation ; he only 
cheats the King a little, who is very able to bear 
it. This however is a ,miftake. The public 
treafure is the treafure of the nation, to be applied 
to national purpofes. And when a duty is laid 
for a particular public and neceffary purpofe, 
if through fmuggling that duty falls mort of 
raifing the fum required, and other duties muft 
therefore be laid to make up the deficiency ; all 
the additional fum laid by the new duties and 
paid by other people, though it mould amount 
to no more than a halfpenny or a farthing per 
head, is fo much actually picked out of the 
pockets of thofe other people by the fmugglers 
and their abettors and encouragers. Are they 
then any better or other than pickpockets ? and 
what mean, low, rafcally pickpockets muft thofe 
be, that can pick pockets for halfpence and for 
farthings ? 

I would not however be fuppofed to allow in 
what I have juft faid, that cheating the King is 
a lefs offence againft honefty, than cheating the 
public. The King and the public in this cafe 
are different names for the fame thing ; but if 
we confider the King diftinclly it will not leffen 
the crime : it is no juftification of a robbery, that 
the perfon robbed was rich and able to bear it. 
The King has as much right to juftice as the 
meaneft of his fubjedls -> and as he is truly the 
common father of* his people, thofe that rob 



him fall under the fcripture woe, pronounced 
again ft the foil that robbeth his father, and faith 
it is no Jin. 

Mean as this practice is, do we not daily fee 
people of character and fortune engaged in it for 
trifling advantages to themfelves ? Is any lady 
afhamed to requeft of a gentleman of her ac 
quaintance, that when he returns from abroad, 
he would fmuggle her home a piece of filk or 
lace from France or Flanders ? Is any gentleman 
a(hamed to undertake and execute the commif- 
fion ? Not in the leaft. They will talk of it 
freely, even before others whofe pockets they are 
thus contriving to pick by this piece of knavery. 

Among 'other branches of the revenue, that 
of the Poft-Office is, by a late law, appropri 
ated to the difcharge of our public debt, to de 
fray the expences of the ftate. None but mem 
bers of parliament, and a few public officers have 
now a right to avoid, by a frank, the payment 
of poftage. When any letter not written by them 
or on their bulinefs, is franked by any of them, 
it is a hurt to the revenue; an injury which they 
muft now take the pains to conceal by writing 
the whole fuperfcription themfelves. And yet 
fuch is our infenfibility to juftice in this particu 
lar, that nothing is more common than to fee, 
even in a reputable company, a very honeft gen 
tleman or lady declare, his or her intention to 
cheat the nation of three-pence by a frank ; and 
without blufhing apply to one of the very legif- 
lators themfelves, with a modeft requeft that 



he would be pleafed to become an accomplice 
in the crime, and affift in the perpetration. 

There are thofe who by thefe practices take 
a great deal in a year out of the public purfe, and 
put the money into their own private pockets. 
If paffing through a room where public trea- 
fure is depofited, a man takes the opportunity 
of clandeftinely pocketing and carrying off a 
guinea, is he not truly and properly a thief? 
And if another evades paying into the treafury 
a guinea he ought to pay in, and applies it to his 
own ufe, when he knows it belongs to the pub 
lic as much as that which has been paid in ; 
what difference is there in the nature of the 
crime, or the bafenefs of committing it ? 

Some laws make the receiving of ftolen goods 
equally penal with flealing, and upon this prin 
ciple, that if there were no receivers there would 
be few thieves. Our proverb too, fays truly, 
that the receiver is as bad as the thief. By the 
fame reafoning, as there would be few fmug- 
glers, if there were none who knowingly en 
couraged them by buying their goods, we may 
fay that the encouragers of fmuggling are as 
bad as the fmugglers ; and that as miugglers are 
a kind of thieves, both equally deferve the pu- 
nimments of thievery. 

In this view of wronging the revenue, what 
muft we think of thofe who can evade paying 
for their wheels and their plate, in defiance of 
law and juftice, and yet declaim againft corrup 
tion and peculation, as if their own hands and 



hearts were pure and unfullied ? The Americans 
offend us grievouily, when, contrary to our laws, 
they fmuggle goods into their own country : 
and yet they had no hand in making thofe laws. 
I do not however pretend from thence to juftify 
them. But I think the offence much greater 
in thofe who either directly or indirectly have 
been concerned in making the very laws they 
break. And when I hear them exclaiming 
againft ^Americans, and for every little infringe 
ment of the acts of trade, or obftruction given 
by a petty mob to an officer of our cuftoms in 
that country, calling for vengeance againft the 
whole people as REBELS and Traitors ; I cannot 
help thinking there are ftill thofe in the world 
who can fee a mote in their brother s eye, while 
they do not difcern a beam in their own; and that the 
old faying is as true now as ever it was, one man may 
better Jleal a horfe, than another look over the hedge. 

F. B. 


A PARABLE againft Perfecution, in Imitation of 
Scripture Language *. 

AND it came to pafs after thefe things, that 
Abraham fat in the door of his tent, about 
the going down of the fun. And behold a man 
bent with age, coming from the way of the wil- 
dernefs leaning on a ftaff. And Abraham arofe, 
and met him, and faid unto him, Turn in, I pray 
thee, and warn thy feet, and tarry all night; 
and thou fhalt arife early in the morning, and 
go on thy way. And the man faid, Nay; for I 
will abide under this tree. But Abraham prefled 
him greatly : fo he turned and they went into 
the tent : and Abraham baked unleaven bread, 
and they did eat. And when Abraham faw that 

* [I have taken this piece from the Sketches of the Hiftory ofMa> 
written by LordKaims, and lhall preface it with hisLordfhip's own 
words. See Vol. II. p. 472, 473. 

The following Parable againft Perfecution was communicated 
' to me by Dr. Franklin of Philadelphia, a man who makes a great 

* figure in the learned world : and who would ftill make a greater 
' figure for benevolence and candour, were virtue as much regarded 

* in this declining age as knowledge. 

3jfc 3jt ?fc T 3fc vj "7F 

* The hiftorical ftyle of the OUTeJlament is here finely imitated ; 
and the moral muft ftrike every one who is not funk in ftupidity 
and fuperftition. Were it really a chapter of Genejis, one is apt 
to think, that perfecution could never have Ihovvn a bare face 
among Jews or Chriftians. But alas ! that is a vain thought. 
Such a paflage in the Old Tejlament, would avail as little againft 
the rancorous paffions of men, as the following paflages in the 
New Tejlament, though perfecution cannot be condemned in 
terms more explicit. " Him that is weak in the faith, receive 

you, but not to doubtful difputations. For, &c." E.] 


; [G.P.] ^PARABLE againft Perfecution. 73 

the man bleffed not God, he faid unto him, 
Wherefore doft thou not worfhip the moft high 
God, Creator of heaven and earth ? And the 
man anfwered and faid, I do not worfhip thy 
God, neither do I call upon his name; for I 
have made to myfelf a god, which abideth al 
ways in my houfe, and provideth me with all 
things. And Abraham's zeal was kindled againft 
the man, and he arofe, and fell upon him, and 
drove him forth with blows into the wildernefs. 
And God called unto Abraham, faying, Abra 
ham, where is the ftranger? And Abraham 
anfwered and faid, Lord, he would not worfhip 
thee, neither would he call upon thy name ; 
therefore have I driven him out from before my 
face into the wildernefs. And God faid, have 
I borne with him thefe hundred and ninety and 
eight years, and nourifhed him, and clothed 
him, notwithftanding his rebellion againft me ; 
and couldft not thou, who art thyfelf a iinner, 
bear with him one night * ? 

* [Dr. Franklin, as I have been told, has often impofed this pa 
rable upon his friends and acquaintance, as apart of a chapter of 


[ 74 ] 

concerning Perfecution Informer Ages, 
the Maintenance of the Clergy, American 
Bijhops, and the State of Toleration in Old 
England and New England compared*. 


IUnderfbnd from the public papers, that in 
the debates on the bill for relieving the Dif- 
fenters in the point of fubfcription to the church 
articles, fundry reflections were thrown out a- 
gainft the people; importing, that they them- 
felves are of a perfecuting intolerant fpirit, for 
that when they had the fuperiority, they perfe- 
cuted the church , and ftill perfecute it in Ame 
rica, where they compel its members to pay taxes 
for maintaining the Prefbyterian or Independent 
worfhip, and at the fame time refufe them a to 
leration in the full exercife of their religion, by 
the administrations of a bimop. 

If we look back into hiftory for the character 
of the prefent fedts in Christianity, we mail find 
few that have not, in their turns, been perfe- 
cutors and complainers of perfecution. The pri 
mitive Chriftians thought perfecution extremely 
wrong in the Pagans, but pradifed it on one 

* [The above letter firft appeared in one of the public papers 
on "June 3, 1772, and feems to have been' addre fled to the printer. 
The fpirited writer of the Two letters to the prelates republifhed it 
in an appendix to that pamphlet, without, however, naming Dr. 
Franklin as the author, but expreffing it to be the produftion * of 
* a gentleman highly refpe&ed in the literary world.' E.] 


[G.P.] Of the Di/enters, &c. 75 

another. The firft Proteftants of the church of 
England blamed perfecution in thzRomifh church, 
but practifed it againft the Puritans : thefe found 
it wrong in the bifhops, but fell into the fame 
practice both here and in New England. To ac 
count for this, we mould remember, that the 
doctrine of toleration was not then known, or 
had not prevailed in the world. Perfecution was 
therefore not fo much the fault of the feel: as of 
the times. It was not in thofe days deemed 
wrong in itfelf. The general opinion was only, 
that thofe who are in error ought not to perfecute 
the truth : but the pqfleflbrs of truth were in the 
right to perfecute error, in order to deftroy it. 
Thus every feel: believing itfelf porTefled of all 
truth, and that every tenet differing from theirs 
was error, conceived that when the power was 
in their hands, perfecution was a duty required 
of them by that God whom they fuppofed to be 
offended with herefy. By degrees, more mode 
rate and more modejl fentiments have taken place 
in the Chriftian world; and among Proteftants 
particularly, all difclaim perfecution, none vin 
dicate it, and few practife it. We mould then 
ceafe to reproach each other with what was done 
by our anceftors, but judge of the prefent cha 
racter of fects or churches by their prefent con- 
du5l only *. 


* [' Toleration in religion, though obvious to common under- 
* Handing, was not however the production of reafon, butofcom- 
' merce. The advantage of toleration for promoting commerce, 

L 2 * was 

j6 OftbeDiffenters, and ofPerfecution-, 

Now to determine on the juftice of this charge 
againft the prefent DifTenters, particularly thofe 
in America, let us confider the following fadts. 
They went from England to eflablifh a new coun 
try for themfelves, at their own expence, where 
they might enjoy the free exercife of religion in 
their own way. When they had purchaied the 
territory of the natives, they granted the lands 
out in townfhips ; requiring for it neither pur- 
chafe-money nor quit-rent, but this condition 
only to be complied with j that the freeholders 
fliould fupport a gofpel-minifter (meaning pro 
bably one of the then governing fedts) and a 
free-fchool, within the townmip. Thus, what 
is commonly called Prefbyterianifm became the 
eftablifhed religion of that country. All went on 
well in this way, while the fame religious opi 
nions were general ; the fupport of minifter and 
fchool being raifed by a proportionate tax on the 
lands. But, in procefs of time, fome becoming 
Quakers*, fome Baptifls, and of late years, fome 


* was difcovered long before by the Portuguefe. They were too 
' zealous Catholics to venture fo bold a meafure in Portugal; 
' but it was permitted in Goa, and the inquifitiort in that town 
' was confined to Roman Catholics.' Lor&Kaims's Sketches of the 
Hiflory of Man, Vol.. II. p. 474. E.j 

* [' No perfon appeared in New England who profefled the 

* opinion of the Quakers, until 1656; [i. e. about 36 years 

* after the firft fettling of the colony] ; when Mary Fijher and 

* Ann Auftin came from Barbados* ; and foon after, nine others 

* arrived in the fhip Speedwell from London.'' They were fuc- 
cefsful in their preaching ; and the provincial government, wifh- 
ing to keep the colony free from them, attempted to fend away 
fuch as they difcovered, and prevent the arrival of others. Secu- 


[G. P.] particularly #z AMERICA. 77 

returning to the church of England (through the 
laudable endeavours and a proper application * of 
their funds by the fociety for propagating the 
gofpel), objections were made to the payment of 
a tax appropriated to the fupport of a church they 
difapproved and had forfaken. The civil ma- 
giftrates, however, continued for a time to col 
lect and apply the tax according to the original 
laws which remained in force ; and they did it 
the more freely, as thinking it juft and equitable 
that the holders of lands fhould pay what was 
contracted to be paid when they were granted, as 
the only confideration for the grant; and what had 
been confidered by all fubfequent purchafers as a 
perpetual incumbrance on the eflate, bought there 
fore at a proportionably cheaper rate ; a payment 
which, it was thought, no honeft man ought to 
avoid, under pretence of his having changed his 
religious perfuafion : And this, I fuppofe, is one 
of the bed grounds of demanding tythes of dif- 
fenters now in England. But the practice being 
clamoured againfl by the epifcopalians as perfe- 
cution, the legiilature of the province of Mafla- 
chufets Bay, near thirty years iince, paffed an ac~t 

rities, fines, banifhment, imprifonment, and corporal pnnim- 
ments were inftituted for this purpofe ; but with fo little effeft,. 
that at laft ' a law was made for punifhing with death, all fuch 
' as fhould return into the jurifdi&ion after banijhment. A few 
were hanged 1' (See the hiftory of the Britijb dominions, 410, 
1773, p. 118, 120.) E.] 

* [They were to fpread the gofpel, and maintain a learned and 
orthodox clergy, where minifters were wanted or ill-provided j 
adminiftering God's word and facraments, and preventing atheifm, 
infidelity, popery, and idolatry. E.} 


78 Of the Dtflenters, and of Perfection > 

for their relief, requiring, indeed, the tax to be 
paid as ufual } but directing that the feveral fums 
levied from members of the church of England, 
ihould be paid over to the minifter of that church 
with whom fuch members ufually attended divine 
worfhip ; which minifter had power given him to 
receive, and, on occafion, to recover the fame by 

It feems that legiflature confidered the end of 
the tax was, tofecure and improve the morals of 
the people, and promote their happinefs by fup- 
porting among them the public worfhip of God 
and the preaching of the gofpel - y that where par 
ticular people fancied a particular mode, that 
mode might probably, therefore, be of moft ufe 
to thofe people ; and that if the good was done, 
it was not fo material in what mode or by whom 
it was done. The confideration that their bre 
thren, the DifTenters in England, were ftill com 
pelled to pay tythes to the clergy of the church, 
had not weight enough with the legiflature to 
prevent this moderate act, which ftill continues 
in full force ; and I hope no uncharitable conduct 
of the church toward the Diffenters will ever pro 
voke them to repeal it. 

With regard to a Bifhop, I know not upon what 
ground the Diffenters, either here or in America, 
are charged with refufing the benefit of fuch an 
officer to the church in that country. Here they 
feem to have naturally no concern in the affair. 
*Tbere they have no power to prevent it, if go 
vernment mould think fit to fend one. They 


[G . P . ] particularly in A M E R I c A . 79 

would probabty diflike, indeed, to fee an order of 
men eftablifhed among them, from whofe perfe- 
cutions their fathers fled into that wildernefs, and 
whofe future domination they might poffibly fear, 
not knowing that their natures are changed. But 
the non-appointment of bifhops for America feems 
to arife from another quarter. The fame wifdom 
of government, probably, that prevents the fitting 
of convocations, and forbids, by noli profequi's, 
the perfecution of Diffenters for non-fubfcription ; 
avoids eftabliming bifhops where the minds of 
people are not yet prepared to receive them cor 
dially, left the public peace mould ^be endan 

And now let us fee how this perfecutlon-account 
flands between the parties. 

In New England, where the legiflative bodies 
are almoft to a man Difienters from the church of 

i . There is no teft to prevent churchmen hold 
ing offices. 

2. The fons of churchmen have the full benefit 
of the univeriities. 

3. The taxes for fupport of public worfhip* 
when paid by churchmen, are given to the epif- 
copal minifter. 

In Old England : 

1. Diffenters are excluded from all offices of 
profit and honour. 

2. The benefits of education in the univeriities 
are appropriated to the fons of churchmen. 

3.. The 

So Of the Diffenters, and of Perfecutton 5 

3 . The clergy of the Diflenters receive none of 
the tythes paid by their people, who muft be at 
the additional charge of maintaining their own 
feparate worfhip. 

But it is faid, that the Di (Tenters o>t America 
tippofe the introduction of a bimop. 

In faff, it is not alone the DifTenters there 
that give the oppofition (if not encouraging muft 
be termed oppojingj but the laity in general 
diflike the project, and fome even of the clergy. 
The inhabitants of Virginia are almoft all epif- 
copalians, the church is fully eftablifhed there, 
and the council and general aflembly are, per 
haps to a man, its members : yet, when lately at 
a meeting of the clergy, a resolution was taken 
to apply for a bifhop, againft which feveral, 
however, protefted; the afTembly of the pro 
vince, at the next meeting, expreffed their dif- 
approbation of the thing in the fbrongeft man 
ner, by unanimoufly ordering the thanks of the 
houfe to the protefters ; for many of the Ame 
rican laity of the church think it fome advan 
tage whether their own young men come to 
England for ordination, and improve themfelves 
at the fame time by converfation with the learned 
here, or the congregations are fupplied by 
Englifhmen who have had the benefit of educa 
tion in Englifh universities, and are ordained be 
fore they came abroad. They do not, therefore, 
fee the necefllty of a bifhop merely for ordina 
tion } and confirmation is among them deemed a 
ceremony of no very great importance, fmce 


[G . P . ] particularly ///AMERICA. 8 1 

few feek it in England, where bifhops are in 
plenty. Thefe fentiments prevail with many 
churchmen there, not to promote a defign which 
they think muft fooner or later faddle them with 
great expences to fupport it. As to the DifTenters, 
their minds might probably be more conciliated 
to the meafure if the bimops here mould, in their 
wifdom and goodnefs, think fit to fet their 
facred character in a more friendly light, by 
dropping their oppofition to the DifTenters ap 
plication for relief in fubfcription ; and declaring 
their willingnefs that DhTenters mould be ca 
pable of offices, enjoy the benefit of education 
in the univerfities, and the privilege of appro 
priating their tythes to the fupport of their own 
clergy. In all thefe points of toleration, they ap 
pear far behind the prefent Diflenters of New 
England, and it may feem to fome a flep below 
the dignity of bimops, to follow the example of 
fuch inferiors. I do not, however, defpair of 
their doing it fome time or other, fince nothing 
of the kind is too hard for true Chrijlian hi 

lam, Sir, yours, &c. 


f [Dr. Franklin was born at Jtyfy* in New England, and net 
& Philadelphia. E.] 







N. B, All the Papers under this divifion are dijtinguijhed by 
the letters [A: B.T.] placed in the running title at the bead* 
of each leaf. 

r 85 3 

Containing, I. Reafons and Motives on 
which the PLAN of UNION for the 
COLONIES was formed ; II. Reafons 
againft partial Unions \ III. And the 
Plan of Union drawn by B. F. and una- 
mmoujly agreed to by the Commiffioners 
from New Hampfhire, Mafiachufett's 
Bay, Rhode liland, New Jerfey, Mary 
land, tf^Penfylvania*, met in Congrefs 
at Albany, in July 1754, to conjider 

* [The reader muft be informed here, that this plan was in 
tended for all the colonies; but, commiffioners from fome of 
them not attending, (from caufes which I cannot fpecify) their 
confent to it was not, in this refpecl:, univerfally expreffed. Go 
vernor Ponvnall, however, fays, That he had an opportunity of 
converting with, and knowing the fentiments of the commiflion- 
ers' * appointed by their refpedlive provinces, to attend this con- 
grefs, to which they were called by the crown ;' ' of learning 
from their experience and judgment, the adual ftate of the 
American bufmefs and intereft ; and of hearing amongft them r 
the grounds and reafqns of that American Union, which they 
then had under deliberation, and transmitted the plan of to Eng 
land:* and, he adds, in another place, ' that the fentiments 
of our colonies were collected in an authentic manner on this 
fubjedl in the plah propofed by Dr. Franklin, and unanimoufly 
agreed to in congrefs.' [See Governor PonunaWs Adminijlration 
of the Britijh Colonies, Vol. I. p. 13. Edit. 4, 1774, and Vol. 
II. p. 86. E.] 



of the left Means of defending the Kings 
Dominions in America, &c. a War be 
ing then apprehended*, 'with tbeReaf&m 
or Motives for each Article of the Plan. 

B. F. was one of the four Commiffio/ners 
from Penjyhania *. 

I. Reafons and Motives on which the Plan of 
Union was formed. 

TH E Commiffioners from a number of the 
northern colonies being met at Albany, and 
confidering the difficulties that have always at 
tended the moft necefTary general meafures for the 
common defence, or for the annoyance of the 
enemy, when they were to be carried through the 
feveral particular affemblies of all the colonies ; 
fome affemblies being before at variance with their 
governors or councils, and the feveral branches of 
the government not on terms of doing bufinefs 
with each other ; others taking the opportunity, 
when their concurrence is wanted, to pufh for 
favourite laws, powers, or points that they think 

* [*- Mr, [fince Governor] Hutchinfon was one of the commif- 
* fioners for Maflhchufetts ay.' (Governor Pownall as above, 
Vol. .II. p. 144.) * Thomas Poivnall, Efq ; brother to John Ponv- 
' W/, Efq; one of the Secretaries to the Board of Trade, and 
' afterwards Governor of the Maffacbufetts, was upon the fpot. (Hi/ 
lory of the Britijh Empire in North America, p. 25.) E.] 

i could 

[A: B.T.] Of the Plan of Union. 87 

could not at other times be obtained, and fo creat 
ing difputes and quarrels ; one aflembly waiting 
to fee what another will do, being afraid of do 
ing more than its (hare, or defirous of doing Icfs j 
or refuiing to do any thing, becaufe its country 
is not at prefent fo much expofed as others, or 
becaufe another will reap more immediate advan 
tage.; from one or other of which caufes, the af- 
femblies of fix (out of feven) colonies applied to, 
had granted no afiiftance to Virginia^ when lately 
invaded by the French, though purpofely con 
vened, and the importance of the occafion ear- 
neftly urged upon them : Confidering moreover, 
that one principal encouragement to the French, 
in invading and infulting the Britim American 
dominions, was their knowledge of our difunited 
flate, and of our weaknefs ariling from fuch want 
of union j and that from hence different colonies 
were, at different times, extremely haraffed, and 
put to great expence both of blood and treafure, 
who would have remained in peace, if the enemy 
had had caufe to fear the drawing on themfelves 
the refentment and power of the whole ; the faid 
Commiflioners, confidering alfo the prefent in- 
croachments of the French, and the mifchievous 
confequences that may be expected from them, if 
not oppofed with our force, came to an unani 
mous refolution, T^hat an union of the colonies is 
abfolutely neccffary for their prefervation. 

The manner of forming and eftablifhing this 
union was the next point. When it was confi- 
dered that the colonies were feldom all in equal 



danger at the fame time, or equally near the 
danger, or equally fenfibie of it 5 that fome of 
them had particular interefts to manage, with 
which an union might interfere ; and that they 
were extremely jealous of each other; it was 
thought impracticable to obtain a joint agreement 
of all the colonies to an union, in which the ex- 
pence and burthen of defending any of them 
fhould be divided among them all ; and if ever acts 
of aflembly in all the colonies could be obtained 
for that purpofe, yet as any colony, on the 
leaft difTatisfaclion, might repeal its own ac~l and 
thereby withdraw itfelf from the union, it would 
not be a ftable one, or fuch as could be depend 
ed on : for if only one colony fhould, on any 
difguft withdraw itfelf, others might think it 
unjuft and unequal that they, by continuing in 
the union, fhould be at the expence of defend 
ing a colony which refufed to bear its propor 
tionable part, and would therefore one after 
another, withdraw, till the whole crumbled in 
to its original parts. Therefore the commif- 
lioners came to another previous refolution, 
viz. 'That it was necejjary the union Jhould be efla~ 
blified by aft of parliament* 

They then proceeded to fketch out a flan of 
union, which they did in a plain and concife 
manner, juft fufficient to mew their fentiments 
of the kind of union that would befl fuit the 
circumftances of the colonies, be mod agree 
able to the people, and moft effectually promote 
his Majefly's fervice and the general intereft 


[A : B. T/l Of the 'Plan of Union. 89 

of the Britifh empire.' This was fefpetfully 
fent to the affemblies of the feveral colonies for 
their confideration, and to receive fuch altera 
tions and improvements as they (hould think 
fit and neceflary; after which it was propofed 
to be tranfmitted to England to be perfected, and 
the eftablifhment of it there humbly folicited. 

This was as much as the commiffioners could 
do;};. ***************** 

II. Reafons again/I partial Unions* 

It was propofed by fome of the Commiffioners 
to form the colonies into two or three diftincl: 
unions ; but for theie reafons that propofal was 
dropped even by thofe that made it ; [Wxf.J 

1 . In all cafes where the ftrength of the whole 
was necefTary to be ufed againfl the enemy, there 
would be the fame difficulty in degree, to bring 
the feveral unions to unite together, as now the 
feveral colonies -, and confequently the fame delays 
on oar part and advantage to the enemy, 

2. Each union would feparately be weaker 
than when joined by the whole, obliged to exert 
more force, be more opprefTed by the expence, 
and the enemy lefs deterred from attacking it. 

3. Where particular colonies hzvefe//ijk views* 
as New York with regard to Indian trade and 

J [Dr. Davenant was fo well convinced of the expediency of 
an union of the colonies, that he recites, at full length, a plan 
contrived, as he fays, with good judgment for the purpofe. Dave- 
nant, Vol. I, p. 40, 41, of Sir C. WhitwrtV* Edition, E.] 

N lands j 


lands j or are lefs expefed, being covered by others, 
as New Jerfey, Rhode Ifland, Connecticut, 
Maryland ; or have particular whims and prejudices 
againft warlike meafures in general, as Penfylvania, 
where the Quakers predominate j fuch colonies 
would have more weight in a partial union, and 
be better able to oppofe and obftruct the meafures 
neceflary for the general good, than where they 
are fwallowed up in the general union. 

4. The Indian trade would be better regulated 
by the union of the whole than by partial 
unions. And as Canada is chiefly fupported by 
that trade, if it could be drawn into the hands 
of the Englifh) (as it might be if the Indians 
were fupplied on moderate terms, and by ho- 
neft traders appointed by and ading for the pub 
lic) that alone would contribute greatly to the 
weakening of our enemies. 

5. The eftablifhing of new colonies weilward 
on the Ohio and the lakes, (a matter of confi- 
derable importance to the increafe of Britifo 
trade and power, to the breaking that of, the 
French, and to the protection and fecurity of 
our prefent colonies,) would beft be carried on by 
a joint union. 

6. It was alfo thought, that by the frequent 
meetings-together of commiilioners or repre- 
fentatives from all the colonies, the circumftances 
of the whole would be better known, and the 
good of the whole better provided for; and 
that the colonies would by this connexion learn 
to confider themfelves, not as fo many indepen- 

[A: B.T.J Of the Plan of Union. 91 

dent ftates, but as members of the fame body ; 
and thence be more ready to afford afliftance and 
fupport to each other, and to make diverfions 
in favour even of the moft diftant, and to join, 
cordially in any expedition for the benefit of all 
againft the common enemy. 

Thefe were the principal reafons and motives 
for forming the plan of union as it ftands. To 
which may be added this, that as the union of the 

'The remainder of this article is loft. 

III. PlanofapropofedUnionofthefeve- 
ral Colonies of Maffachuffett's Bay, New 
Hampshire, Connecticut, Rhode Ifland, 
New York, New Jerfey, Penfylvania, 
Maryland, Virginia, North Carolina, and 
South Carolina for their mutual Defence 
and Security ', and for extending the Bri- 
tifli Settlements in North America, with 
the Reafons and Motives for each Article of 
the Plan [as far as could be remembered.] 

It is propofed. That humble appli 
cation be made for an act of parliament 
of Great Britain, by virtue of which one 
general government may be formed in 

N 2 America 


America including all the faid colonies, 
within and under which government each 
colony may retain its prelent conftitution, 
except in the particulars wherein a change 
may be directed by the faid act as here 
after follows *. 

Prejident General, and Grand Council. 

That the faid general government be 
adminiftered by a Prefident General to be 
appointed and fupported by the crown ; 
and a Grand Council to be chofen by the 
reprefentatives of the people of the feveral 
colonies met in their refpective aflemblies. 

It was thought that it would be beft the Pre 
fident General mould be fupported as well as 
appointed by the crown -, that fo all difputes 
between him and the Grand Council concern 
ing his falary might be prevented j as fuch dif 
putes have been frequently of mifchievous con- 
tequence in particular colonies, efpecially in 
time of public danger. The quit-rents of crown- 
lands in America, might in a fhort time be fuf- 

* [The reader may perceive, by the difference of the type, 
which is the text of the plan, and which the reafons and motives 
mentioned in the title. They are thus confolidated for his conve 
nience. The Editor has taken one or two farther liberties in tranfpof- 
jng thefe Albany papers j but the fenfe remains as before, E.] 


[A: B.T.] Of the Plan of Union. 93 

ficient for this purpofe. The choice of mem 
bers for the grand council is placed in the houfe 
of reprefentatives of each government, in order 
to give the people a fhare in this new general go 
vernment, as the crown has its fhare by the 
appointment of the Prefident General. 

But it being propofed by the gentlemen of the 
council of New York, and fome other counfellors 
among the commiffioners, to alter the plan in 
this particular, and to give the governors and 
council of the feveral provinces a fhare in the 
choice of the grand council, or at leaft a power 
of approving and confirming or of difallowing 
the choice made by the houfe of reprefentatives, 
it was faid : 

" That the government or conftitution pro- 
" pofed to be formed by the plan, confifts of two 
" branches; a Prefident General appointed by the 
" crown, and a council chofen by the people, 
" or by the people's reprefentatives, which is 
" the fame thing. 

" That by a fubfequent article, the council 
*' chofen by the people can effect nothing with* 
*' out the confent of the Prefident General ap- 
*' pointed by the crown j the crown pofTefles 
" therefore full one half of the power of this 
" conftitution. 

" That in the Britifh conftitution, the crown 
" is fuppofed to pofTefs but on'e third, the Lords 
*' having their fhare. 

" That this conftitution feemed rather more 
" favourable for the crown, 



" That it is effential to Englifh liberty, [that] 
" the fubjedt mould not be taxed but by his own 
" confent or the confent of his elected repr-e- 
" fentatives. 

" That taxes to be laid and levied by this 
" propoled conftitution will be propofed and 
" agreed to by the reprefentatives of the peo- 
*' pie, if the plan in this particular be preferred : 

" B\at if the propofed alteration fhould take 
" place, it feemed as if matters may be fo ma- 
" naged as that the crown mall finally have the 
" appointment not only of the Prefident Ge- 
" neral, but of a majority of the grand council ; 
" for, feven out of eleven governors and coun- 
" cils are appointed by the crown : 

" And fo the people in all the colonies would 
" in effect be taxed by their governors. 

" It was therefore apprehended that fuch al- 
" terations of the plan would give great dif- 
" fatisfadtion, and that the colonies could not 
" be eafy under fuch a power in governors, and 
" fuch an infringement of what they take to be 
" EngUJh liberty. 

" Belides, the giving a mare in the choice of 
" the grand council would not be equal with re- 
" fpecl: to all the colonies, as their conflitutions 
*' differ. In fome, both governor and council 
" are appointed by the crown. In others, they 
" are both appointed by the proprietors. In 
" fome, the people have a mare in the choice of 
" the council j in others, both government and 
" council are wholly chofen by the people. But 


[A: B.T.] Of the Plan of Union. 95- 

* c the houfe of reprefentatives is every where 
" chofen by the people ; and therefore placing the 
" right of chooling the grand council in the 
" reprefentatives, is equal with refpe6b to all. , 

" That the grand council is intended to re- 
" prefent all the feveral houfes of reprefenta- 
" tives of the colonies, as a houfe of repre- 
" fentatives doth the feveral towns or counties 
" of a colony. Could all the people of a colo- 
" ny be consulted and unite in public meafures, 
" a houfe of reprefentatives would be needlefs : 
" and could all the arTemblies conveniently con- 
* f fult and unite in general meafures, the grand 
" council would be unneceflary. 

" That a houfe of commons or the houfe of 
<c reprefentatives, and the grand council, are thus 
" alike in their nature and intention. And as' 
" it would feem improper that the King or ho-ufe 
" of Lords fhould have a power of difallow- 
f< ing or appointing members of the houfe of 
" commons ; fo likewife that a governor and 
" council appointed by the crown mould have a 
" power of difallovving or appointing mem- 
" bers of the grand council, (who, in this con- 
" flitution, are to be the reprefentatives of the 
" people.) 

" If the governors a-nd councils therefore 
" were to have a mare in the choice of any 
" that are to conduct this general government,, 
" it mould feem more proper that they chofe 
" the Prefident General. But this being an of- 
" fice of great truft and importance to the na- 


" tion, it was thought better to be filled by the 
" immediate appointment of the crown. 

" The power propofed to be given by the plan 
" to the grand council is only a concentration of 
" the powers of the feveral aiTemblies in certain 
** points for the general welfare ; as the power of 
" the Prefident General is of the powers of the 
" feveral governors in the fame points. 

" And as the choice therefore of the grand 
" council by the reprefentatives of the people, 
" neither gives the people any new powers, nor 
" diminifhes the power of the crown, it was 
" thought and hoped the crown would not dif- 
" approve of it." 

Upon the whole, the commiffioners were of 
opinion, that the choice was moft properly plac 
ed in the reprefentatives of the people. 

JLle&ion of Members. 

That within months after the 

pafling fuch act, the houfe of reprefenta 
tives that happen to be fitting within that 
time, or that fhall be efpecially for that 
purpofe convened, may and fhall choofe 
members for the grand council, in the fol 
lowing proportion, that is to fay, 


[A : B. T.] Of the Plan of Union. 97 

Maffachuffetfs Bay --- 7 

New Hampjhire - - 2 

ConneElicut - ~ - - - - ^ 

Rhode IJland - - - - - 2 

- - - --- 4 

Penfylvania ----- 6 

Maryland ------ 4 

Virginia ------- 7 

North Carolina - - - - 4 

South Carolina - - - - 4 

It was thought that if the leaft colony was al 
lowed two, and the others in proportion, the num 
ber would be very great and the expence heavy ; 
and that lefs than two would not be convenient, 
as a fingle perfon, being by any accident prevented 
appearing at the meeting, the colony he ought to 
appear for would not be reprefented. That as the 
choice was not immediately popular, they would 
be generally men of good abilities for bufinefs, 
and men of reputation for integrity ; and that 
forty-eight fuch men might be a number Sufficient. 
But, though it was thought reafonable that each 
colony mould have a mare in the reprelentative 
body in fome degree, according to the proportion 
it contributed to the general treafury; yet the pro 
portion of wealth or power of the colonies is not 

O to 


to be judged by the proportion here fixed ; be- 
caufe it was at firft agreed that the greateft colony 
mould not have more than feven members, nor 
the leaft lefs than two : and the fettling thefe 
proportions betweeli thefe two extremes was not 
nicely attended to, as it would find itfelf, after 
the firft election .from the fums brought into the 

trea&ry, as by a fubfequent article. 


Place of firft Meeting. 

who fhall meet for the firft time at the 
city of Philadelphia in Penfylvania, being 
called by the Prefident General as foon as 
conveniently may be after his appointment. 

Philadelphia was named as being the nearer the 
center of the colonies, where the Commiflioners 
would be well and cheaply accommodated. The 
high-roads through the whole extent, are for the 
mod part very good, in which forty or fifty miles 
a day may very well be and frequently are tra 
velled. Great part of the way may likewife be 
gone by water. In fummer-time the pafTages are 
frequently performed in a week from Charles'Town 
to Philadelphia and New York ; and from Rhode 
IJland to New York through the Sound in two or 
three days ; and from New Tork to Philadelphia 
by water and land in two days, by ftage- boats 
and wheel- carriages that fet out every other day. 
The journey from Charles Ttoivn to Philadelphia 


[A : B. T.] Of the Plan of Union. 99 

may likewife be facilitated by boats running up 
Chefapeak Bay three hundred miles. But if the 
whole journey be performed on horfeback, the 
moft diftant members, (viz. the two from New 
Hampfoire and from South Carolina J may probably 
render themfelves at Philadelphia in fifteen or 
twenty-days;- the majority may be there in much 
lefs time. 

New EleElion. 

That there fhall be a new eledion of 
the members of the Grand Council every 
three years ; and on the death or refigna- 
tion of any member, his place fhall be 
fupplied by a new choice at the next fit 
ting of the afiembly of the colony he re- 

Some colonies have annual aflemblies, fome con 
tinue during a governor's pleafure ; three years was 
thought a reafonable medium, as affording a new 
member time to improve himfelf in the bulinefs, 
and to ad: after fuch improvement; and yet giving 
opportunities, frequent enough, to change him if 
he has mifbehaved. 

Proportion of Members 'after the firft 

three Years. 

That after the firft three years, when 
the proportion of money arifing out of 

O 2 each 


each colony to the general treafury can 
be known, the number of members to be 
chofen for each colony fhall from time to 
time, in all enfuing elections, be regulated 
by that proportion (yet fo as that the num 
ber to be chofen by any one province be 
not more thanfeven, nor lefs than two). 

By a fubfequent article it is propofed, that 
the general council mall lay and levy fuch ge 
neral duties as to them may appear moft equal 
and leaft burthenfome, &c. Suppofe, for in- 
flance, they lay a fmall duty or excife on fome 
commodity imported into or made in the colo 
nies, and pretty generally and equally ufed in all 
of them j as rum perhaps, or wine : the yearly 
produce of this duty or excife, - if fairly col 
lected, would be in fome colonies greater, in 
others lefs, as the colonies are greater or fmaller. 
When the collectors accounts are brought in, 
the proportions will appear -, and from them it 
is propofed to regulate the proportion of repre- 
fentatives to be chofen at the next general elec 
tion, within the limits however of feven and two. 
Thefe numbers may therefore vary in courfe of 
years, as the colonies may in the growth and in- 
creafe of people. And thus the quota of tax 
from each colony would naturally vary with its 
circumftances , thereby preventing all difputes 
and duTatisfaclions about the jufl proportions due 

[A'iB.T.] Of the Plan of Union. 101 

from each -, which might otherwife produce per 
nicious confequences, and deftroy the harmony 
and good agreement that ought to fubfift be 
tween the feveral parts of the union. 

Meetings of the Grand Connelly and Call. 

That the Grand Council fliall meet once 
in every year and oftener if occafion re 
quire, at fuch time and place as they (hall 
adjourn to at the laft preceding meeting, 
or as they fliall be called to meet at by 
the Prelident General on any emergency; 
he having firft obtained in writing the 
confent of feven of the members to fuch 
call, and fent due and timely notice to 
the whole. 

It was thought, in eftablifhing and governing 
new colonies or fettlements, regulating Indian 
trade, Indian treaties, &c. there would be every 
year fufficient bufinefs arife to require at leaft 
one meeting, and at fuch meeting many things 
might be fuggefted for the benefit of all the co 
lonies. This annual meeting may either be at 
a time or place certain, to be fixed by the Pre- 
fident General and grand council at their firft 
meeting j or left at liberty, to be at fuch time 
and place as they mail adjourn to, or be called 
to meet at by the Prefident General. 



In time of <war It feems convenient, that the 
meeting mould be in that colony, which is neareft 
the feat of action. 

The power of calling them on any emergency 
feemed necefTary to be veiled in the PreSdent 
General 3 but that fuch power might not be 
wantonly ufed to harafs the members, and oblige 
them to make frequent long journies to little pur- 
pofe, the confent of feven at leaft to fuch call 
was fuppofed a convenient guard. - 


That the Grand Council have power to 
choofe their fpeaker ; and fhall neither be 
diffolved, prorogued, nor continued fit 
ting longer than fix weeks at one time ; 
without their own confent or the fpecial 
command of the crown. 

The fpeaker mould be prefented for approba 
tion $ it being convenient, to prevent mifunder- 
ftandings and difgufts, that the mouth of the 
council mould be a perfon agreeable, if poffible, 
both to the council and Preiident General. 

Governors have fometimes wantonly exercifed 
the power of proroguing or continuing the feffions 
of iffemblies, merely to harafs the members and 
coi ipel a compliance j and fometimes diffolve them 
on Jight difgufts. This it was feared might be 
done by the Prefident General, if not provided 

i again ft : 

f A : B. TJ Of tie Plan of Union. 103 

againft : and the inconvenience and hardship would 
be greater in the general government than in par 
ticular colonies, in proportion to the diftance the 
members muft be from home, during fittings, 
and the long journies fome of them muft necefla- 
rily takei 

Members Allowance. 

That the members of the Grand Coun 
cil fhall be allowed for their fervice ten 
{hillings fterling per diem y during their 
feffion and journey to and from the place 
of meeting ; twenty miles to be reckoned 
a day's journey. 

It was thought proper to allow fome wages, left 
the expence might deter fome fuitable perfons 
from the fervice 5 and not to allow too great 
wages, left unfuitable perfons fhould be tempted 
to cabal for the employment for the fake of gain. 
Twenty miles was fet down as a day's journey 
to allow for accidental hinderances on the road, 
and the greater expences of travelling than redd 
ing at the place of meeting. 

Affent of Prefident General and his Duty. 

That the affent of the Prefident Gene 
ral be requifite to all ads of the Grand 

Council ; 


Council ; and that it be his office and 
duty to caufe them to be carried into 

The alTent of the Prefident General to all adls 
of the grand council was made neceflary, in order 
to give the crown its due {hare of influence in this 
government, and connect it with that of Great 
Britain. The Prefident General, befides one 
half of the legiflative power> hath in his hands 
the whole executive power. 

Power of Prefident General and Grand 
Council. Treaties of Peace and War. 

That the Prefident General, with the 
advice of the Grand Council, hold or di- 
re& all Indian treaties in which the gene 
ral intereft of the colonies may be con 
cerned ; and make peace or declare war 
with Indian nations. 

The power of making peace or war with Indian. 
nations is at prefent fuppofed to be in every 
colony, and is exprefsly granted to fome by char 
ter, fo that no new power is hereby intended 
to be granted to the colonies. But as, in con- 
fequence of this power, one colony might make 
peace with a nation that another was juftly engag 
ed in war with - 9 or make war on flight occafions 


[A: B.T.] OfthePlan of Union. 105 

without the concurrence or approbation of neigh 
bouring colonies, greatly endangered by it; or 
make particular treaties of neutrality in cafe of 
a general war, to their own private advantage in 
trade, by fupplying the common enemy; 6f 
all which there have been inftances it was 
thought better to have all treaties of a general 
nature under a general direction ; that fo the 
good of the whole may be confulted and pro 
vided for. 

Indian Trade. 

That they make fuch laws as they judge 
neceflary for regulating all Indian trade, 

Many quarrels and wars have arifen between 
the colonies and Indian nations, through the 
bad conduct of traders ; who cheat the Indians 
after making them drunk, &c. to the great ex- 
pence of the colonies both in blood and trea- 
fure. Particular colonies are fo interested in the 
trade as not to be willing to admit fuch a regu 
lation as might be heft for the whole , and there 
fore it was thought bell under a general di 

Indian Purchafes. 

That they make all purchafes from 
Indians for the crown, of lands not now 

i - f 

within the bounds of particular colonies 
or that {hall not be within their bounds 

P when. 


when fome of them are reduced to more 
convenient dimensions. 

Purchafes from the Indians made by private 
perfons, have been attended with many incon 
veniences. They have frequently interfered, 
and occafioned uncertainty of titles, many dif- 
putes .and expenfive law-fuits, and hindered 
the fettlement of the land fo difputed. Then 
the Indians have been cheated by fuch private 
purchafes, and difcontent and wars have been 
the confequence. Thefe would be prevented by 
public fair purchafes. 

Several of the colony charters in America ex- 
.tend their bounds to the South Sea, which may 
be perhaps three or four thoufand miles in 
length to one or two hundred miles in breadth. 
It is fuppofed they muft in time be reduced to 
dimenfions more convenient for the common 
purpofes of government *. 


* [Mr. Baron M , In page 200 of his account of the 
Proceedings at Quebec, for obtaining an Affembly, has the following 
hint: * The vaft enlargement of the province \QiQuebec~\ by adding 
to it a new territory that contains, according to Lord Hill/bo 
rough's eftimation of it, five hundred and eleven millions of acres, 
(that is, more land than Spain, Italy, France, and Germany put 
together, and moft of it good land) is a meafure that would 
require an ample difcuffion.' That the reader may not fuf- 
peft that thefe dimenjions ivere convenient for uncommon purpofes of 
government, I mall quote the motives affigned upon this occafion 
By the ac~l regulating the government of Quebec. ' By the ar- 
* rangements made by the royal proclamation, a very large extent 
' of [outlying] country, within which there were feveral colonies 
* and fettlements of the fubjefts of France, who claimed to remain 

' therein 

[A: B.T.] Oft&ePlan of Union. 107 

Very little of the land in thofe grants is yet 
purchafed of the Indians. 

It is much cheaper to purchafe of them, than 
to take and maintain the poiTeffion by force : for 
they are generally very reafonable in their de 
mands for land * -, and the expence of guarding 
a large frontier againft their incurfions is vaftly 
great ; becaufe all muft be guarded and always 

' therein under the faith of the faid treaty, was left without any 
provifion being made for the adminiftration of civil government 
' therein:' i.e. a few Indian traders were a pretext for this ap 
propriation of a traft of country, which according to the minijter's 
eftimate, was more than 13 times larger than England and Wales 
united, nearly 128 times larger than Jamaica, almoft \ part of 
Europe^ and confiderably more"*than 7 ' part of the whole ha 
bitable earth, (comparing it with the feveral calculations in 
The Political Survey of Great Britain by Dr. Campbell, and in that 
of 'Jamaica by Mr. Long.) * Now all the inhabitants of the pro 
vince of S>utbet t fays this very aft, amounted at the conqueft 
to above iixty-five thoufand [only,] profeffing the religion of the 
church of Rome, and enjoying an eftabliihed form of conftitu-; 
tion and fyftem of laws.' E.] 

* [' Dr. Franklin, (fays Mr. Kalm the Swede,) and feveral other 
gentlemen, frequently told me, that a powerful Indian, who pof- 
feffed Rhode IJland, had fold it to the Englijb for a pair of fpefta- 
cles : it is large enough for a prince's domain, and makes a pecu 
liar government at prefent. Thislndian knew [how] to fet a true 
value upon a pair of fpeftacles : for undoubtedly if thofe glafles 
were not fo plentiful, and only a few of them could be found, 
they would, on account of their great ufe, bear the fame price 
'- with diamonds.' SeeKalm's Travels into North America, Vol. I. 
p. 386, 387. ' At the time when the Swedes firft arrived, they 
4 bought land at a very inconfiderable price. For a piece of baize, 
' or a pot full of brandy, or the like, they could get a piece of 
* ground, which at prefent would be worth more than 290 /. flerling . 
Ib. Vol. II. p. 1 1 8. The truth is, that the Indians confidered then 
lands as mere hunting-manors, and not as farms. E.] 



guarded, as we know not where or when to ex- 
petf them *f-. 

New Settlements. 

TBat they make new fettlements on 
fuch purchafes by granting lands in the 
King's name, referring a quit-rent to 
the crown for the ufe of the general 

It is fuppofed better that there mould be one 
purchaier than many; and that the crown 
mould be that purchaier, or the union in the 
name of the crown. By this means the bar 
gains may be more eafily made, the price not 
inhanced by numerous bidders, future difputes 
about private Indian purchafes, and monopolies 
of vail tradts to particular perfons (which arc 
prejudicial to the fettlement and peopling of a 
country) prevented ; and the land being again 
granted in fmall traces to the fettlers, the quit- 

t [To guard againft the incurfions of the Indians, a plan was 
fent over to America (and, as I think, by authority,) fuggefting 
the expediency of clearing away the woods and bumes from a trail 
of land, a mile in breadth, and extending along the back of the 
colonies. Unfortunately, befides the large expence of this under 
taking (which, if one acre coft zL Jlerling, and 640 acres make 
a fquare mile, is i28,ooo/. frft coft for every 100 miles;) it was 
forgotten that the Indians, like other people, knew the difference 
between day and night, and that a mile of advance and another 
of retreat, were nothing to the celerity of fuch an enemy. This 
plan, it is faid, was the work of Dean T-ck-r ; and poflibly might 
contain many other particulars. The plans of Doftor Franklin 
and Governor Poiunall appear much more feafible. E. j 


[A: B.T.] Of the Plan of Union. 109 

rents referved may in time become a fund for 
fupport of government, for defence of the 
country, eafe of taxes, &c. 

Strong forts on the lakes, the Ohio, &c. may 
at the lame time they iecure our prefent fron 
tiers, ferve-to defend new colonies fettled under 
their protection; and fuch colonies would alfo 
mutually defend and fupport fuch forts, and bet 
ter fecure the friendfhip of the far Indians. 

A particular colony has fcarce ftrength enough 
to extend itfelf by new fettlements, at fo great 
a diftance from the old : but the joint force of 
the union might fuddenly eftablifh a new colo- 
ny or two in thofe parts, or extend an old co 
lony to particular paffes, greatly to the fecurity 
of our prefent frontiers; increafe of trade and 
people, breaking off the French communication 
between Canada and Louiftana, and ipeedy fet- 
tlement of the intermediate lands. 

The power of fettling new colonies is there 
fore thought a valuable part of the plan , and 
what cannot fo well be executed by two unions 
as by one. 

Laws to govern them. 

That they make laws for regulating 
and governing fuch new fettlements, till 
the crown fliall think fit to form them 
into particular governments. 



The making of laws fuitable for the new 
colonies, it was thought would be properly veft- 
ed in the Prefident General and grand council ; 
under whofe protection they will at firft necef- 
farily be, and who would be well acquainted with 
their circumftances, as having fettled them. 
When they are become fufficiently populous, 
they'may by the crown, be formed into compleat 
and diftindt governments. 

The appointment of a Sub-prefident by the 
rown, to take place in cafe of the death or ab- 
fence of the Prefident General, would perhaps 
bp an improvement of the plan j and if all the 
governors of particular provinces were to be 
formed into a ftanding council of flate, for the 
advice and afliftance of the Prefident General, it 
might be another conliderable improvement. 

Raife Soldiers and equip Veffeh^ &c. 

That they raife and pay foldiers and 
build forts for the defence of any of the 
colonies, and equip veflfels of force to 
guard the coafts and protect the trade on 
the ocean, lakes *, or great rivers ; but 
they fhall not imprefs men in any colony 
without the confent of the legiflature. 

* [* According to a plan which had been propofed by Governor 
* Ponvnall, and approved of by congrefs.* ( Admin iftration of the 
olonies, Vol. II. p. 148. E,] 


[A: B.T.] Of the Plati of Union. in 

It was thought, that quotas of men to be raifed 
and paid hy the feveral colonies, and joined for 
any public fervice, could not always be got to 
gether with the neceiTary expedition. For in- 
ftance, fuppofe one thoufand men mould be 
wanted in New Hampshire on any emergency ; 
to fetch them by fifties and hundreds out of 
every colony as far as South Carolina, would be 
inconvenient, the tranfportation chargeable, and 
the occafion perhaps patted before they could be 
aflembled 3 and therefore that it would be beft: 
to raife them (by offering bounty-money and 
pay) near the place where they would be want 
ed, to be difcharged again when the fervice mould 
be over. 

Particular colonies are at prefent backward to 
build forts at their own expence, which they 
fay will be equally ufeful to their neighbouring 
colonies ; who refufe to join, on a prefumption, 
that fuch forts w/7/ be built and kept up, though 
they contribute nothing. This unjuft conduct 
weakens the whole ; but the forts being for the 
good of the whole, it was thought beft they 
mould be built and maintained by the whole, 
out of the common treafury. 

In the time of war, fmall veflels of force are 
fometimes n^ceflary in the colonies to fcour the 
coaft of fmall privateers. Thefe being provid 
ed by the Union, will be an advantage in turn 
to the colonies which are lituated on the fea, 
and whofe frontiers on the land-fide, being cover 
ed by other colonies, reap but little immediate 
benefit from the advanced forts. Power 


Power to make Laws, lay Duties^ &c. 

That for thefe purpofes they have power 
to make laws, and lay and levy fuch gene 
ral duties, imports, or taxes, as to them 
fliall appear moft equal and juft, (confider- 
ing the ability and other circumftances of 
the inhabitants in the feveral colonies,) and 
fuch as may be collected with the leaft 
inconvenience to the people ; rather di 
couraging luxury, than loading induftry 
with unneceflary burthens. 

The laws which the Prefident General and 
grand council are impowered to make, are fuch 
only as {hall be neceflary for the government of 
the fettlements -, the raifmg, regulating and pay 
ing foldiers for the general fervice ; the regulat 
ing of Indian trade ; and laying and collecting 
the general duties and taxes. (They mould alfo 
nave a power to reftrain the exportation of pro- 
vifions to the enemy from any of the colonies, 
on particular occafions, in time of war.) But 
is it not intended that they may interfere with 
the constitution and government of the particular 
colonies ; who are to be left to their own laws, 
and to lay, levy, and apply their own taxes as 

i General 

[A : -B. T.] Of the Plan of Union. 1 1 3 

General Treafurer and Particular 

That they may appoint a General Trea- 
furer and Particular Treafurer in each go 
vernment when neceffary ; and from time 
to time may order the fums in the trea- 
furies of each government into the general 
treafury ; or draw on them for Ipecial 
payments, as they find moft convenient. 

The treasurers here meant are only for the 
general funds ; and not for the particular funds 
of each colony, which remain in the hands of their 
own treafurers at their own difpofal. 

Money how to iffue. 

Yet no money to iffiie but by joint or 
ders of the Prefident General and Grand 
Council ; except where fums have been 
appropriated to particular purpofes, and 
the Prefident General is previously im- 
powered by an adl: to draw for fuch fums, 

To prevent mifapplication of the money, or 
even application that might be diiTatisfa&ory to 
the crown or the people, it was thought necefery 



to join the Prefident General and grand council 
in all iflues of money. 


That the general Accounts fhall be 
yearly fettled and reported to the feveral 

By communicating the accounts yearly to each 
afTembly, they will be fatisfied of the prudent 
and honeft condudt of their reprefentatives in the 
grand council. 


That a quorum of the Grand Council 
impowered to aft with the Prefident Ge 
neral, do confift of twenty-five members j 
among whom there fliall be one or more 
from a majority of the colonies. 

The quorum feems large, but it was thought 
it would not be fatisfadlory to the colonies in ge- 
neral, to have matters of importance to the whole 
tranfa&ed by a fmaller number, or even by this 
number of twenty-five, unlefs there were among 
them one at leaft from a majority of the colonies f 
becaufe otherwife the whole quorum being made 
BP of members from three or four colonies at one 


[ A : B. T.] Of the Plan of Union. i 1 5 

end of the union, fomething might be done that 
would not be equal with refpect to the reft, and 
thence difTatisfaclions and difcords might rife to 
the prejudice of the whole. 

Laws to be tranfmitted. 

That the laws made by them for the 
purpofes aforefaid fhall not be repugnant, 
but, as near as may be, agreeable to the 
laws of England^ and {hall be tranfmitted 
to the King in council for approbation as 
foon as may be after their paffing ; and if 
not difapproved within three years after 
.prefentation, to remain in force. 

This was thought neceflary for the fatisfa&ion 
of the crown, to preferve the connection of the 
parts of the Britifh empire with the whole, of the 
members with the head, and to induce greater 
care and circumfpe&ion in making of the laws, 
that they be good in themfelves and for the ge 
neral benefit. 

Death of the Prefident General. 

That in cafe of the death of thePrefident 
General, the fpeaker of the Grand Council 
for the time being fhall fucceed, and be 

CL 3 vefted 


vefted with the fame powers and authori 
ties, to continue till the King's pleafure 
be known. 

It might be better, perhaps, as was faid before, 
if the crown appointed a Vice Prefident, to take 
place on the death or abfence of the Prefident 
General $ for fo we fhould be more fure of a 
fui table perfon at the head of the colonies. On 
the death or abfence of both, thefpeakerto take 
place (or rather the eldeft King's-governor) till 
his Majefly's pleafure be known. 

Officers how appointed. 

That all military commiffion officers* 
whether for land or fea fervice, to adt 
under this general conftitution, fhall be 
nominated by the Prefident General ; but 
the approbation of the Grand Council is 
to be obtained, before they receive their 
commiffions. And all civil officers are 
to be nominated by the Grand Council,, 
and to receive the Prefident General's, 
approbation before they officiate* 

It was thought it might be very prejudicial to 
the fervice, to have officers appointed unknown 
to the people, or unacceptable 5 the generality of 


[A: B.T.] Of the Plan of Union. 1 17 

Americans ferving willingly under officers they 
know ; and not caring to engage in the fervice 
under ftrangers, or fuch as are often appointed 
by governors through favour or intereft. The 
fervice here meant, is not the ftated fettled fer- 
idee in ftanding troops -, but any fudden and fhort 
lervice, either for defence of our own colonies, 
)r invading the enemies country ; (fuch as, the 
Dxpedition toCapeBrefcn in the laft war ; in which 
many fubftantial farmers and tradefmen engaged 
as common foldiers under officers of their own 
country, for whom they had an efleem and af- 
'ection > who would not have engaged in a fland- 
ng army, or under officers from England.) It 
was therefore thought beft to give the council 
the power of approving the officers, which the 
people will look upon as a great fecurity of their 
being good men. And without fome fuch pro- 
vifion as this, it was thought the expence of en 
gaging men in the fervice on any emergency would 
be much greater, and the number who could be 
induced to engage much lefs ; and that therefore 
it would be mofl for the King ? s fervice and gene 
ral benefit of the nation, that the prerogative mould 
relax a little in this particular throughout all the 
colonies in America ; as it had already done much 
more in the charters of fome particular colonies* 
viz. Connecticut and Rhode I/land. 

The civil officers will be chiefly treafurers and 
collectors of taxes j and the fuitable perfons ace- 
mofl likely to be known by the council ,. 


Vacancies how fupplied. 

But in cafe of vacancy by death, or re 
moval of any officer civil or military under 
this conftitution, the governor of the pro 
vince in which fuch vacancy happens, may 
appoint till the pleafure of the Prefident 
General and Grand Council can be known. 

The vacancies were thought beft fupplied by 
the governors in each province, till a new ap 
pointment can be regularly made; otherwife the 
fervice might fuffer before the meeting of the 
Prefident General and grand council. 

Each Colony may defend itfelf on 
Emergency, &c. 

That the particular military as well as 
civil eftablifhments in each colony remain 
in their prefent ftate, the general conftitu 
tion notwithftanding; and that on fudden 
emergencies any colony may defend itielf 
and lay the accounts of expence thence 
arifing before the Prefident General and 
general council, who may allow and order 


[A: B.T.] Of the Plan of Union. 1 19 

payment of the fame as far as they judge 
fuch accounts juft and reafonable. 

Otherwife the Union of the whole would 
weaken the parts, contrary to the defign of the 
union. The accounts are to be judged of by 
the Prefident General and grand council, and 
allowed if found reafonable : this was thought 
necefTary to encourage colonies to defend them- 
felves, as the expence would be light when borne 
by the whole ; and alfo to check imprudent and 
lavifh expence in fuch defences J. 

J [This plan of union, It will appear from the next page, was 
reje&ed ; and another propofed to be fubftituted by the Englifh mi- 
nilter, which had for its chief objeft, the taking power from the 
people in the colonies in order to give it to the crown, E.J 

I, LET- 

i, B A N y P A p R s continued. 

I. .LETTER /0 Governor Sliirley, concerning 
the Impofition of dire ft Taxes upon the Colonies ', 
without their Confmt *. 

SIR, ^uejday Morning. 

I return you the loofe fheets of the plan, 
with thanks to your Excellency for com 
municating them. 

I Apprehend, that excluding the people of the 
colonies from all fliare in the choice of the 
grand council, will give extreme diflatisfaclion ; 
as well as the taxing them by at of parliament, 


* [Thefe letters to Governor Shirley firil appeared In the Lon 
don Chronicle for Fet>. 68, 1766,' with an introdu&ion iigned 
A Lover of Britain. In the beginning of the year 1776, they were 
republifhed in Almon's Remembrancer, with an additional prefa 
tory piece, under the fignature of A Mourner over our Calamities. 
I mall explain the fubjeft of them in the words of one cf thefe 
writers. * The Albany Plan of Union was fent to the government 
' here for approbation: had it been approved and eftablifhed 
' by authority from hence, Englijh America thought itfelf fuf- 

* ficiently able to cope with the French, without other affiftance; 
' feveral of the colonies having alone, in former wars, withitood 
' the whole power of the enemy, unaffifted not only by the mother- 

country, but by any of the neighbouring provinces. The plan, 
' however, was not approved here; but a New one was formed 
' inftead of it ; by which it was propofed, that " the governors 
" of all the colonies, attended by one or two members of their 
** refpeftive councils, fcould aflemble, and concert meafures for 


[A : B.T.] Letters to G. Shirley on ^Taxation, 121 

where they have no reprefentation. It is very 
pomble, that this general government might be 
as well and faithfully adminiftered without the 
people, as with them ; but where heavy burdens 
are to be laid upon them, it has been found ufe- 
ful to make it, as much as poffible, their own 
adtj for they bear better, when they have, .or 
think they have fome mare in the direction -, and 
when any public meafures are generally grievous 
or even diftafteful, to the people, the wheels of 
government move more heavily. 

" the defence of the whole, ereft forts where they judged propeiy 
** and raife what troops they thought neceflary, with power to 
" draw on the treafury here for the fums that mould be wanted, 
*' and the treafury to be reimburfed by a tax laid on the colonies 
" ly aft of parliament" This New plan being communicated by 
' Governor Shirley to a gentleman of Philadelphia, (Dr. Franklin) 

* then in Bofton (who hath very eminently diftinguiihed himfelf, 
' before and fince that time, in the literary world, and whofe 
' judgment, penetration and candor, as well as his readinefs and 

* ability to fuggeft, forward, or carry into execution, every 
' fcheme of public utility, hath moft defervedly endeared him, not 
' only to our fellow-fubjefts throughout the continent of North 
' America, but to his numberlefs friends on this iide the Atlantic) 

* occafioned the following remarks from him, which perhaps 
' may contribute in fome degree to its being laid alide. As they 
' very particularly mew the then fentiments of the Americans 

* on the fubjeft of a parliamentary tax, before the French power 

* in that country was fubjefted, and before the late reftraints on 
' their commerce ; they fatisfy me, and I hope they will convince 
' your readers (contrary to what has been advanced by fome of 
' your correspondents) that thofe particulars have had no mare 

* in producing the prefent oppofition to fuch a tax, nor in diftur- 

* bances occafioned by it, which thefe papers indeed do almoft 

* prophetically foretel. For this purpofe, having accidentally 
' fallen into my hands, they are communicated to you by one who 

* J6> not fartially, but in the moft enlarged fenfe, 

f AJLovER of BRITAIN/ E.] 


122 ALBANY PAPERS continued. 

II. LETTER to the fame', concerning direffi 
in the Colonies Impofed without Confent, indireSi 
Faxes, and the Albany Plan of Union. 

SIR, Wednefday Morning. 

T Mentioned it yefterday to your Excellency as 
* my opinion, that excluding the people of the 
colonies from all mare in the choice of the grand 
council, would probably give extreme diffatisfac- 
tion, as well as the taxing them by act of parlia 
ment, where they have no reprefentation. In 
matters of general concern to the people, and 
efpecially where burdens are to be laid upon them; 
it is of ufe to confider, as well what they will be 
apt to think and fay, as what they ought to think \ 
I mall therefore, as your Excellency requires it 
of me, briefly mention what of either kind occurs 
to me on this occalion. 

Firft, they will fay, and perhaps with juftice, 
that the body of the people in the colonies are as^ 
loyal, and as firmly attached to the prefent con-^ 
iHtution, and reigning family, as any fubjects in 
the King's dominions. 

That there is no reafon to doubt the readinefs 
and willingnefs of the reprefentatives they may. 
choofe, $o grant from time to time fuch fupplies- 
for the defence of the country, as mall be judged 
neceffary, fo far as their abilities will allow. 

That the people in the colonies, who are to 

feel the immediate mifchiefs of invafion and con- 

I queft 

[A : B.T.] Letters to G. Shirley on 'Taxation. 123 

queft by an enemy, in the lofs of their eftates, 
lives, and liberties ; are likely to be better judges 
of the quantity of forces neceffary to beraifed and 
maintained, forts to be built and fupported, and 
of their own abilities to bear the expence - f than 
the parliament of England, at fo great a diftance. 

That governors often come to the colonies 
merely to make fortunes, with which they intend 
to return to Britain > are not always men of the 
beft abilities or integrity $ have many of them no 
eftates here, nor any natural connections with us, 
that mould make them heartily concerned for our 
welfare ; and might poffibly be fond of railing 
and keeping up more forces than necefTary, from 
the profits accruing to themfelves, and to make 
provifion for their friends and dependents. 

That the counfellors in moft of the colonies, 
being appointed by the crown, on the recommen 
dation of governors, are often perfons of fmall 
eftates, frequently dependent on the governors for 
offices, and therefore too much under influence. 

That there is therefore great reafon to be jealous 
of a power in fuch governors and councils, to raife 
fuch fums as they fhaM judge neceflary by drafts 
on the Lords of the Treafury, to be afterwards 
laid on the colonies by act of parliament, and paid 
by the people here ; fince they might abufe it, by 
projecting ufelefs expeditions, haraffing the people, 
and taking them from their labour to execute fuch 
projects, merely to create offices and employments, 
and gratify their dependents, and divide profits. 

R 2 That 

1 24 ALBANY PAPERS continued. 

That the parliament of England is at a great 
diftance, fubjed: to be miiinformed and mifled 
by fuch governors and councils, whofe united 
interefts might probably fecure them againft the 
effed:of any complaint from hence. 

That it is fuppofed an undoubted right of 
Englifhmen, not to be taxed but by their own 
confent, given through their reprefentatives : 

That the colonies have no reprefentatives in 

That to propofe taxing them by parliament, 
and refufe them the liberty of choofmg a repre- 
fentative council, to meet in the colonies, and 
confider and judge of the neceffity of any ge 
neral tax, and the quantum j fhews a fufpicion 
of their loyalty to the crown, or of their regard 
for their country, or of their common fenfe and 
underftanding -, which they have not deferved. 

That compelling the colonies to pay money 
without their confent, would be rather like raif- 
ing contributions in an enemy 's country, than 
taxing of Englifhmen for their own public bene 

That it would be treating them as a conquered 
people, and not as true Britim fubjects. 

That a tax laid by the reprefentatives of the 
colonies might be eafily leflened as the occafions 
mould leflenj but, being once laid by parlia 
ment under the influence of the reprefentations 
made by governors* would probably be kept up, 
and continued for the benefit of governors ; to 
the grievous burthen and difcontentment of the 
3 colonies^ 

{A : B.T.] Letters toG. Shirley on Taxation. 125 

colonies, and prevention of their growth and 

That a power in governors to march the in 
habitants from one end of fat Briti/h 2>\\&Frencb 
colonies to the other, being a country of at leaft 
one thoufand five hundred miles long, without 
the approbation or the confent of their reprefen- 
tatives firft obtained to fuch expeditions ; might 
be grievous and ruinous to the people; and would 
put them upon a footing with the fubjedls of 
France in Canada, that now groan under fuch op- 
preffion from their governor, who for two years 
paft has harafled them with long and deftruc- 
tive marches to the Ohio *. 

That if the colonies in a body may be well- 
governed by governors and councils appointed 
by the crown, without reprefentatives ; particu 
lar colonies may as well, or better be fo go 
verned ; a tax may be laid upon them all by a<5t 
of parliament for fupport of government j and 
their aflemblies may be difmifTed as an ufelefs 
part of the conftitution. 

That the powers propofed by the Albany plan 
of union, to be vefted in a grand council repre- 
fentative of the people, even with regard to military 
matters, are not fo great as thofe which the colo 
nies of Rhode I/land and Connecticut are entrufted 
with by their charters, and have never abufed ; 
for by this plan the Prefident General is appointed 
by the crown, and controls all by his negative j 

* [The French tranflator has omitted that part of this para* 
graph, which relates to the Canadians when fubjeft to France. E.] 


126 ALBANY PATERS continued. 

but in thofe governments the people choofe the 
governor, and yet allow him no negative. 

That tfaBritifh colonies bordering on the French 
are properly frontiers of the Brltljh empire ; and 
the frontiers of an empire are properly defended 
at the joint expence of the body of the people in 
fuch empire; it would now be thought hard by 
act of parliament to oblige the Cinque ports or 
fea coafts of Britain, to maintain the whole navy, 
becaufe they are more immediately defended by 
it, not allowing them at the fame time a vote in 
choofing members of the parliament -, and, as the 
frontiers of America bear the expence of their own 
defence, it feems hard to allow them no mare in 
voting the money, judging of the neceffity and 
fum, or advifing the meafures. 

That beiides the taxes neceflary for the defence 
of the frontiers, the colonies pay yearly great fums 
to the mother-country unnoticed : for j. Taxes 
paid in Britain by the landholder or artificer, muft 
enter into and increafe the price of the produce of 
land and manufactures made of it ; and great part 
of this is paid by confumers in the colonies, who 
thereby pay a confiderable part of the Britifh 

2. We are reftrained in our trade with foreign 
nations; and where we could be fupplied with any 
manufacture cheaper from them, but muft buy 
the fame dearer from Britain, the difference of 
price is a clear tax to Britain. 

3. We are obliged to carry a great part of our 
produce directly to Britain ; and where the duties 


[A : B.T.] Letters to G. Shirley on taxation. 1 27 

laid. upon it leiien its p^ce to the planter, or it 
fells for lefs than it would in foreign markets, the 
difference is a tax paid to Britain. . 

4. Some manufactures we could make, but are 
forbidden, and mutt take them of Britifh mer 
chants : the whole price is a tax paid to Britain. 

5. By our greatly encreafing the demand and 
confumption of Britifh manufactures, their price is 
confiderably raifed of late years ; the advantage 
is clear profit to Britain, and enables its people 
better to pay great taxes - y and much of it being 
paid by us, is clear tax to Britain. 

6. In fhort, as we are not fuffered to regulate our 
trade, and reflrain the importation and confump 
tion of Britim fuperfiuities ^Britain can the con 
fumption of foreign fuperfluities) our whole wealth 
centers finally amongffc the merchants and inhabi 
tants of Britain -, and if we make them richer, and 
enable them better to pay their taxes, it is nearly 
the fame as being taxed ourfelves, and equally be 
neficial to the crown. 

Thefe kind of fecondary taxes, however, we 
do not complain of, though we have no mare in- 
the laying or difpofing of them : But to pay im 
mediate heavy taxes, in the laying, appropriation, 
and difpoiition of which, we have no part, and 
which perhaps we may know to be as unneceffary 
as grievous; muft feem hard meafure toEngJi/bmetty 
who cannot conceive that, by hazarding their lives 
and fortunes in fubduing and fettling new coun 
tries, extending the dominion, and increasing the 
commerce of the mother- nation, they have for 

i ?, 3 A L B A N Y P A P E RS continued. 

feited the native right of Britons; which they 
think ought rather to be given to them, as due to 
fuch merit, if they had been before in a flate of 

Thefe, and fuch kind of things as thefe I appre 
hend, will be thought and faid by the people, if 
the propofed alteration of the Albany plan mould 
take place. Then the adminiftration of the board 
of governors and council fo appointed, not having 
the reprefentative body of the people to approve 
and unite in its meafures, and conciliate the minds 
of the people to them, will probably become fuf- 
pected and odious -, dangerous animolities and 
feuds will arife between the governors and go 
verned ; and every thing go into confufion. 

Perhaps I am too apprehenlive in this matter; 
but having freely given my opinion and reafons, 
your Excellency can judge better than I, whether 
there be any weight in them ; and the fhortnefs 
of the time allowed me, will I hope in fome de 
gree excufe the imperfections of this fcrawl. 

With the greateft refpect and fidelity, I have 
the honour to be 

Yjour Excellency's moil obedient, 

and moft humble Servant, 


[A : B. T.] Letter to G. Shirley on an "Union. 129 

III. LETTER to the fame, on the Subjefl of 
uniting the colonies more intimately with Great 
Britain, by allowing them reprefentatives in 

SIR, Bofton, Dec. 22, 1754. 

CINCE the converfation your Excellency was 
*~* pleafed to honour me with, on the fubject of 
Uniting the colonies more intimately with Great 
Britain, by allowing them reprefentatives in par 
liament, I have fomething further confidered that 
matter ; and am of opinion, that fuch an union 
would be very acceptable to the colonies ; pro 
vided they had a reafonable number of repre 
fentatives allowed them; and that all the old 
acts of parliament reflraining the trade or cramp 
ing the manufactures of the colonies, be at the 
fame time repealed, and the Britijh fubjects on 
this Jide the water 9 put, in thofe refpects, on the 
fame footing with thofe in Great Britain^ till the 
new parliament, reprefenting the whole, fhall 
think it for the intereft of the whole to re-enadt 
fome or all of them : it is not that I imagine fo 
many reprefentatives will be allowed the colonies, 
as to have any great weight by their numbers -, 
but I think there might be fufficient, to occafion 
thofe laws to be better and more impartially 
confidered^ and perhaps to overcome the intereft 
of a petty corporation, or of any particular fet 

S of 

130 ALBANY PAPERS continued. 

of artificers or traders in England, who hereto 
fore feem, in fome inflances > to have ber^ more 
regarded than all the colonies, or than was con- 
iiflent with the general intereft, or beft national 
good. I think too that the government of the 
colonies, by a parliament, in which they are 
fairly reprefented, would be vaftly more agreeable 
to the people, than the method lately attempted 
to be introduced by royal inftruction ; as well as 
more agreeable to the nature of an Englifh 
constitution, and to Englifh liberty ; and that 
fuch Jaws as now feem to bear hard on the colo 
nies, would (when judged by fuch a parliament 
for the bell intereft of the whole) be more cheer 
fully fubmitted to, and more eafily executed. 

I mould hope too, that by fuch an union, 
the people of Great Britain, and the people of 
the colonies, would learn to conlider themfelves, 
as not belonging to different communities with 
different interefts, but to one community with 
one intereft; which I imagine would contribute 
to ftrengthen the whole, and greatly leffen the 
danger of future feparations. 

It is, I fuppofe, agreed to be the general in- 
terefl of any ftate, that its people be numerous 
and rich j men eriow to fight in its defence, and 
enow to pay fufiicient taxes to defray the charge ; 
for thefe circumftances tend to the fecurity of the 
flate, and its protection from foreign power. But 
it feems not of fo much importance whether the 
fighting be done by John or Thomas, or the tax 
paid by William or Charles. The iron manu- 
3 facture 

[A : B. T.] Letter to G. Shirley on an Union. 131 

failure employs and enriches Eritifh fubjects, but 
is it of any importance to the (late, whether the 
manufacturer lives at Birmingham or Sheffield, 
or both ; fince they are ftill within its bounds, 
and their wealth and perfons {till at its com 
mand ? Could the Goodwin Sands be laid dry 
by banks, and land equal to a large country 
thereby gained to England, and prefently filled 
with Englifh inhabitants ; would it be right to 
deprive fuch inhabitants of the common privi 
leges enjoyed' by other Englimmen, the right of 
vending their produce in the fame ports, or of 
making their own {hoes ; becaufe a merchant or 
a fhoemaker, living on the old land, might fan 
cy it more for his advantage to trade or make 
moes for them ? Would this be right, even if 
the land were gained at the expence of the {rate ? 
And would it not feem lefs right, if the charge 
and labour of gaining the additional territory to 
Britain had been borne by the fettlers them- 
felves ? and would not the hardfhip appear yet 
greater, if the people of the new country mould 
be allowed no reprefentatives in parliament en 
acting fuch impofitions ? Now I look on the co 
lonies as fo many countries gained to Great Bri 
tain -, and more advantageous to it, than if they 
had been gained out of the fea around our coafts, 
and joined to its land; for being in different 
climates, they afford greater variety of produce, 
and materials for more manufactures ; and being 
feparated by the ocean, they increafe much more 
its Shipping -and feamen : and, fince they are 

S 2 all 

132 ALBANY PAPERS continued. 

all included in the Britilh empire, which has 
only extended itfelf by their means j and the 
flrength and wealth of the parts is the ftrength 
and wealth of the whole; what imports it to 
the general ftate, whether a merchant, a fmith, 
or a hatter, grow rich in Old or New England? 
and if through increafe of people, two fmiths 
are wanted for one employed before, why may 
not the new fmith be allowed to live and thrive 
in the new country, as well as the old one in the 
old? In fine, why mould the countenance of a 
ftate be partially afforded to its people, unlefs it 
be moft in favour of thofe who have moft merit ? 
and, if there be any difference, thofe who have 
moft contributed to enlarge Britain's empire and 
commerce, increafe her ftrength, her wealth, and 
the numbers of her people, at the rifque of their 
own lives and private fortunes, in new and ftrange 
countries, methinks ought rather to expect 
fome preference. With the greateft refpect and 
efteem, I have the honour to be 

Your Excellency's moft obedient, 

and humble Servant, 


[A: E.T.] PLAN for two Wejlcrn Colonies. 133 

PLAN for fettling two Weftern Colonies In North 
America, 'with Reafonsy<?r the Plan, 1754*. 

TH E great country back of the Apalachiari. 
mountains, on both fides the Ohio, and be 
tween that river and the lakes; is now well known 
both to the Englifh and French, to be one of the 


* [For the occasion \vhich produced this plan, fee what fol 
lows. I apprehend it was given to Governor Pownall, 1754, for 
thepurpofe of being inferted in his memorial; but this point of 
anecdote I cannot fufficiently afcertain. 

' Extract of a Memorial drawn up by Order of, and prefented 

* to his Royal Higbnefs the Duke of Cumberland, 1756, ly 

* T. Pownall. 

' In other parts of our frontier, that are not the immediate re- 

* fidence and country of Indians, fome other fpecies of barrier 

* mould be thought of, of which nothing can be more effectual 

* than a barrier colony: but even this cannot be carried 

* into execution and effect, without the pre- 

' vious meafure of entrepots in the country between us and the 

* enemy All mankind muft know that no body of 

* men, whether as an army, or as an emigration of colonifls, can 

* march from one country to another, through an inhofpitable wil- 

* dernefs, without magazines; nor with any fafety, without pofts 

* communicating among each other by practicable roads, to which 

* to retire in cafe of accidents, repulfe, or delay. 

* It is a fact which experience svinces the truth of, that w 

* have always been able tooutfettle the French; and have driven 

* the Indians out of the country more by fettling than fighting ; 

* and that whenever our fettlements have been wifely and com- 

* pletely made, the French neither by themfelves, nor their dogs of 

* war, the Indians, have been able to remove us. It is upon this fact 

* I found the propriety of the meafure of fettling a barrier colony 

* in thofe parts of our frontiers, which ere not the immediate re- 

ALBANY PAPERS continued. 

finefl in North America, for the extreme richnefs 
and fertility of the land; the healthy temperature 
of the air, and mildnefs of the climate; the plenty 

* Jidence or bunting-grounds of our Indians. This is a meafure that 
' will be effectual ; and will not only in time pay its expence, 
but make as great returns as any of our prefent colonies do; will 
give a ftrength and unity to our dominions in North America ; 
and give us pojjejjion of the country, as well as fettlements in it. 
But above all this, the ftateand circumftances of our fettlements, 
render fuch a meafure not only proper and eligible, but ab- 
fblutely neceffary. The Englijh fettlements, as they are at 
prefent circumftanced, are abfolutely at a ftand ; they are fettled 
up to the mountains ; and in the mountains there is no where 
together land fufficient for a fettlement large enough to fubfift 
by itfelf, and to defend itfelf, and preferve a communication 
with the prefent fettlements. 

' If the Englijh would advance one ftep further, or cover them- 
felves where they are, it muft be at once, by one large ftep over 
the mountains, with a numerous and military colony. Where 
fuch mould be fettled, I do not take upon me to fay : at prefent 
I mall only point out the meafure and the nature of it, by in- 
ferting two fchemes, one of Mr. Franklin's, the other of your 
memorialift ; and if I might indulge myfelf with fcheming, I 
mould imagine that two fuch were fufficient, and only requiute 
and proper : one at the back of Virginia, filling up the vacant 
fpace between the five nations and fouthern confederacy, and 
connecting, into one fyftem, our barrier ; the other fomewhere 
in the Cohafsor Connecticut river, or wherever beft . adapted to 
cover the New England colonies. Thefe, with the little fettle 
ments mentioned above in the Indian countries, complete my 
idea of this branch.' See governor Pownall'j Adminijiration of 
the Colonies. Vol. II. p. 2282,31, 5th Edition. 

The reader muft carry along with him a diftin&ion between the 
plans of Dr, Franklin and Governor Ponunall here referred to. The 
Brft, (which is before him) is particular, and propofes a plan fof 
two fettlements in the unlocated lands to the weftward of Penfyl- 
vania and the Virginian mountains, and is totally filent with re- 
fpeft to a fettlement in New England: the other treats of the mode 
6f fettling new colonies mNortbAmerica in general,. leaving thepre* 
ife fituation to be in fome meafure pointed out by the foregoing 

The copy from which this paper is printed, has appearances of 
fceing rather ingorre&ly taken from the original, JO 


[A: B.T.J PLAN^ fw* We/tern Colonies. 135 

ef hunting, fiming, and fowling ; the facility of 
trade with the Indians ; and the vaft convenience 
of inland navigation or water-carriage by the 
lakes and great rivers, many hundred of leagues 

From thefe natural advantages it muft undoubN 
edly (perhaps in lefs than another century) be 
come a populous and powerful dominion ; and a 
great acceffion of power, either to England or 

The French are now making open encroach 
ments on thefe "territories, in defiance of our known 
rights; and, if we longer delay to fettle that 
country, and fuiFer them to pofTefs it, thefe *#- 
conveniences and mif chiefs will probably follow : 

1 . Our people, being confined to the country 
between the fea and the mountains, cannot much 
more increafe in number; people increafing in 
proportion to their room and means of fubiiftence. 
(See the Obfervations on the Increafe of Mankind, 
&c. p. i.) 

2. The French will increafe much more, by 
that acquired room and plenty of fubiiftence, and 
become a great people behind us. 

3. Many of our debtors, and loofe Englim 
people, our German fervants, and Haves, will 
probably defert to them ; and increafe their num 
bers and ftrength, to the leflening and weakening 
of ours. 

4. They will cut us off from all commerce and 
.alliance with the weilern Indians, to the great 


136 ALBAN* PAPERS continued. 

prejudice of Britain, by preventing the fale and 
confumption of its manufactures. 

5. They will both in time of peace and war 
(as they have always done againfl New England) 
fet the Indians on to harafs our frontiers, kill and 
fcalp our people, and drive in the advanced fet- 
tiers ; and fo, in preventing our obtaining more 
fubfiflence by cultivating of new lands, they dif- 
courage our marriages, and keep our people from 
Increafing; thus (if the expreffion may be allowed) 
killing thoufands of our children before they are 

If two ftrong colonies tfEngHJh were fettled 
between the Ohio and lake Erie, in the places 
hereafter to be mentioned, thefe advantages 
might be expected : 

1 . They would be a great fecurity to the fron 
tiers of our other colonies ; by preventing the in- 
curfions of the French and French Indians of Ca 
nada, on the back parts of Penfylvania, Maryland, 
Virginia, and the Carolinas ; and the frontiers of 
fuch new colonies would be much more eafily 
defended, than thofe of the colonies laft men 
tioned now can be, as will appear hereafter. 

2. The dreaded junction of the French fettle- 
ments in Canada, with thofe of Loui/iana would 
be prevented. 

3. In cafe of a war, it would be eafy, from 
thofe new colonies, to annoy Loui/iana by going 
down the Ohio and Miffiffippi j and the fouthern 

[ A : B. T. J PL AN for two Wejlern Colonies. 1 37 

part of Canada by failing over the lakes ; and 
thereby confine the French within narrower 

4. We fhould fecure the friendmip and trade 
of the Miamis or c c wigt e wees> (a numerous peo 
ple, confiding of many tribes, inhabiting the 
country between the weft end of lake Erie, and 
the fouth end of lake Hurons, and the Ohio;) 
who are at prefent difTatisfied with the French, 
and fond of the Englifh, and would gladly en 
courage and protect an infant Englim fettlement 
in or near their country, as fome of their chiefs 
have declared to the writer of this memoir. 
Further, by means of the lakes, the Ohio, and the 
Miffiflippi, our trade might be extended through 
a vaft country, among many numerous and dif- 
tant nations, greatly to the benefit of Britain. 

5. The fettlement of all the intermediate 
lands, between the prefent frontiers of our co 
lonies on one fide, and the lakes and MifTiffippi 
on the other ; would be facilitated and fpeedily 
executed, to the great increafe of EngKJhmen, 
Engtijh trade, and Englijh power. 

The grants to moft of the colonies, are of 
long narrow flips of land, extending weft from 
the Atlantick to the South Sea. They are much 
too long for their breadth ; the extremes at too 
great a diftance j and therefore unfit to be con 
tinued under their prefent dimenfions. 

Several of the old colonies may conveniently 
be limited weftward by the Allegeny or Apala- 
chian mountains ; and new colonies formed weft 
of thofe mountains. T A fin- 

138 ALBANY PAPERS continued. 

A {ingle old colony does not feem ilrong 
enough to extend itfelf otherwife than inch by 
inch : it cannot venture a fettlement far diftant 
from the main body, being unable to fupport it : 
But if the colonies were united under one go 
vernor general and grand council, agreeable to 
the Albany Plan, they might eaiily, by their joint 
force, eftablim one or more new colonies, when 
ever they mould judge it necerTary or advanta 
geous to the intereft of the whole. - 

But if fuch union mould not take place, it is 
propofed that two charters be granted, each for 
fome considerable part of the lands weft of 
Penfylvania and the Virginian mountains, to a 
number of the nobility and gentry of Britain -, 
with fuch Americans as mail join them in con 
tributing to the fettlement of thofe lands, either 
by paying a proportion of the expence of mak 
ing fuch fettlements, or by actually going thi 
ther in perfon, and fettling themfelves and fa- 

That by fuch charters it be granted, that eve 
ry actual fettler be intitled to a tract of acres 
for hirnfelf, and acres for every poll in the 

family he carries with him -, and that every con 
tributor of guineas be intitled to a quantity 
of acres, equal to the {hare of a fingle fettler, 
for every fuch fum of guineas contributed 
and paid to the colony treafurer ; a contributor 
for mares to have an additional ihare gratis ; 
that fettlers may likewife be contributors, and 
have right of land in both capacities. 


[A: B.T.] PL A^ for twoWeftern Colonies. 139 

That as many and as great privileges and powers 
of government, be granted to the contributors and 
fettlers, as his Majefty in his wifdom mall think 
moft fit for their benefit and encouragement, con 
fident with the general good of the Britifo em 
pire : for extraordinary privileges and liberties, 
with lands on eafy terms, are ftrong inducements 
to people to hazard their perfons and fortunes in 
fettling new countries ; and fuch powers of go 
vernment as (though fuitable and much to the 
circumftances, and fit to be trufted with an infant 
colony) might be judged unfit when it becomes 
populous, and powerful ; thefe might be granted 
for a term only -, as the choice of their own go 
vernor, for ninety -nine years; the fupport of 
government in the [colonies] of Connecticut 
and Rhode Ifland, (which now enjoy that and 
other like privileges) being much lefs expenfive, 
than in the colonies under the immediate govern 
ment of the crown, and the conftitution more in 

That the firft contributors to the amount of 
'guineas be empowered to choofe a treafurer 
to receive the contribution. 

That no contributions be paid till the fum of 
thoufand guineas be fubfcribed. 

That the money thus raifed, be applied to the 
purchafe of the lands from the Six Nations and 
other Indians, and of provifions, flores, arms, 
ammunition, carriages, &c. for the fettlers -, who 
after having entered their names with the trea 
furer, or perfoa by him appointed to receive and 

T 2 enter 

140 ALBANY PAPERS continued. 

enter them, are, upon public notice given for 
that purpofe, to rendezvous at a place to be ap 
pointed, and march in a body to the place deftined 
for their fettlement, under the [charge] of the 
government to be eftablimed over them. Such 
rendezvous and march however not to be directed, 
till the number of names of fettlers entered, 
capable of bearing arms, amount at leaft to 

It is apprehended, that a great fum of money 
might be raifed in America on fuch a fcheme as 
this ; for there are many who would be glad 
of any opportunity, by advancing a fmall fum 
atprefent, to fecure land for their children, which 
might in a few years become very valuable; 
and a great number it is thought of actual fettlers, 
might like wife be engaged, (fome from each 
of our prefent colonies) fufficient to carry it into 
full execution by their ftrength and numbers; 
provided only that the crown would be at the 
expence of removing the little forts the French 
haveerected in their incroachments on hisMajefty's 
territories, and fupporting a ftrong one near the 
falls of Niagara, with a few fmall armed veflels, 
or half-gallies to cruize on the lakes. ***** 

For the fecurity of this colony In its infancy, 
a fmall fort might be erected and for fome time 
maintained at Bujfalonic on the Ohio, above the 
fettlement; and another at the mouth of the 
Hioaga, on the fouth fide of lake Erie, where a 
3 port 

~[A:B.T.] PLAN for two Wtjlern Colonies. 1 4 1 

port mould be formed, and a town creeled, for 
the trade of the lakes. The colonifts for this 
fettlement might march by land through Penfyl- 

The river Siotha, which runs into the Ohio 
about two hundred miles below Logs Town, is 
fuppofed the fitted feat for the other colony, there 
being for forty miles on each fide of it and quite 
up to its heads, a body of all rich land ; the fined 
fpot of its bignefs in all North America, and has 
the particular advantage of fea-coal in plenty (even 
above ground in two places) for fewel, when the 
woods mall be deftroyed. This colony would have 
the trade of the Miamis or Twigtwees; and 
fhould, at firft, have a fmall fort nearHockkokin, 
at the head of the river j and another near the 
mouth of Wabafh. Sandofki, a French fort 
near the lake Erie, mould alfo be taken ; and all 
the little French forts fouth and weft of the lakes, 
quite to the Miffiffippi, be removed, or taken 
and garrifoned by the Englim. The colonifts for 
this fettlement might affemble near the heads of 
the rivers in Virginia, and march over land to the 
navigable branches of the Kanhawa, where they 
might embark with all their baggage and provift- 
ons, and fall into the Ohio, not far above the mouth 
of Siotha. Or they might rendezvous at Will's 
Creek, and go down theMohimgahela to the Ohio. 
The fort and armed veffels at theftrait of Nia 
gara would be a vaft Security to the frontiers of 
thefe new colonies againfl any attempts of the 


142 ALBANY PAPERS continued. 

French from Canada. The fort at the mouth of 
the Wabaih, would guard that river, the Ohio, 
and Cutava river, in cafe of any attempt from the 
French of Miffiffippi. (Every fort mould have 
a fmall fettlement round it; as the fort would 
protect the fettlers > and the fettlers defend the 

The difficulty of fettling the fa&Engli/h colonies 
in America, at fo great a diflance from England ;. 
muft have been vaftly greater than the fettling 
thefe propofed new colonies : for it would be the 
intereft and advantage of all the prefent colonies 
to fupport thefe new ones ; as they would cover 
their frontiers, and prevent the growth of the 
French power behind or near their prefent fettle- 
ments ; and the new country is nearly at equal 
diftance from all the old colonies; and could ealily 
be affifted from all of them. 

And as there are already in the old colonies, 
many thoufands of families that are ready to fwarm s , 
wanting more land ; the richnefs and natural ad 
vantage of the Ohio country would draw moft of 
them thither, were there but a tolerable profpecl: 
of a fafe fettlement. So that the new colonies 
would foon be full of people; and from the advan 
tage of their lituation, become much more terrible 
to the French fettlements, than thofe are now to 
us. The gaining of the back Indian trade from 
the French, by the navigation of the lakes, &c. 
would of itfelf greatly weaken our enemies : it 
being now their principal fupport, it feems highly 
^ probable 

{A: B.T.] PLAN for two Weftern Colonies 143 

probable that in time they muft be fubje&ed to the 
Britifh crown, or driven out of the country. 

Such fettlements may better be made now, than 
fifty years hence, becaufe it is eafier to fettle our- 
felves, and thereby prevent the French fettling 
there, as they feem now to intend, than to remove 
ihem when ftrongly fettled, 

If thefe fettlements are postponed, then more 
forts and ftronger, and more numerous and expen- 
iive garrifons muft be eftablimed, to fecure the 
country, prevent their fettling, and fecure our pre- 
fent frontiers i the charge of which, may probably 
exceed the charge of the propofed fettlements, 
and the advantage nothing near fo great. 

The fort at Ofwego mould likewife be ftrength- 
cned, and fome armed half-gallies or other fmall 
vefTels, kept there to cruife on lake Ontario, as 
propofed by Mr. Poivnall in his paper laid before 
the commiflioners at the Albany treaty J. 

If a fort was alfo built at Tirondequat on lake 
Ontario, and a fettlement made there near the lake 
fide, where the lands are faid to be good, (much 
better than at Ofwego ;) the people of fuch fet 
tlements would help to defend both forts on any 
emergency *. 

t [See his Work above quoted, Vol. IL p. 234. etfe$. et ibiA. 
p. 179. et/ej. E.] 

* [This whole propofal was neglefled, though the French thought 
a confiderable fettlement very pra&icable, in order to get at the 
Ohio. See Governor Pownalt, Vol. II. p. 236. 

Dr. Franklin alfo failed in another propofal for fettling to the 



Britain confidered, with regard 
to her Colonies, and the Acquijitwns of 
Canada and Guadeloupe *. 

I Have perufed with no fmall pleafure the "Letter 
addreffed to Two Great Men, and the Re- 

* [In the year 1 760, upon the profpedl of a peace with France, 
the late Earl of Bath addreffed a Letter to two great men > (Mr. Pitt 
and the Duke of Newcaftle,) on the terms necefTary to be inufted 
upon in the negotiation. He preferred the acquifition of Canada, to 
acquisitions in the Weft Indies. In the fame year there appeared Re 
marks on the letter addreffed to two great men, containing opposite 
opinions on this and other fubjedts. At this moment a philofopher 
Hepped into the controverfy, and wrote a pamphlet entitled, The 
Intereft of Great Britain conjidered t with regard to her Colonies, Sec. 
The arguments he ufed, appear to have carried weight with then* 
at the courts of London and Paris, for Canada was kept by the peace. 

The Editor thinks it neceflary to add the following further ex 
planations. The above piece (which firft came to his hands in the 
lhape of a pamphlet, printed for Becket 1761, zd edit.) has none 
of the eight fubdivifions it is now thrown into, marked out by the 
author. He conceived however that they might be ufeful, and has taken 
the liberty of making them, but guards it with this apology. The 
better to fuit his purpofe, the divifion of the paragraphs, &c. and 
the Italics of the original, are not accurately adhered to. It was 
Impoflible for him however to alter one 'word in the fenfe, ftyle, or 
difpofi tion, of his author ; This was a liberty for which he could 
make no apology. 

In the original, the author has added his observations concerning 
the Inereafe of mankind, peopling of countries, &c. (printed in the 
beginning of this work) ; and introduced it with the following note; 
*' In confirmation of the writer's opinion concerning population, 
" manufactures, &c. he has thought it not amifs to add an extradl 
*' from a piece written fome years lince in America, where the fafts 
" muft be well known, on which the reafonings are founded. It 
<f is intitled, Otfervatioftf, &c." 

With refpeft to the arguments ufed by the authors of the Letter-, 
and of the Remar&s, it is ufelefs to repeat them here. As far as 
they are neceflary for the underftanding of Dr. Franklin, thy are 
to be collected from his own work. E.] 


[A: B.T.] Occq/ion of writing it. 145 

marks on that Letter. It is not merely from the 
beauty, the force and perfpicuity of expreffion, 
or the general elegance of manner confpicuous in 
both pamphlets, that my pleafure chiefly arifes ; 
it is. rather from this, that I have lived to fee fub- 
jecls of the greateft importance to this nation pub 
licly difcufTed without party views, or party heat, 
with decency and politenefs, and with no other 
warmth than what a zeal for the honour and hap- 
pinefs of our king and country may infpire ; and 
this by writers whofe underflanding (however they 
may differ from each other) appears not unequal 
to their candour and the uprightnefs of their in 

But, as great abilities have not always the befl 
information, there are, I apprehend, in the Re 
marks, fome opinions not well founded, and fome 
miflakes of fo important a nature, as to render a 
few obfervations on them necefTary for the better 
information of the public. 

The author of the Letter, who muft be every 
way beft able to fupport his own fentiments, will, 
I hope, excufe me, if I feem officioufly to interfere; 
when he confiders, that the fpirit of patriotifm, 
like other qualities good and bad, is catching ; and 
that his long filence iince the Remarks appeared 
has made us defpair of feeing the fubjedt farther 
difcufled by his mafterly hand. The ingenious 
and candid Remarker, too, who muft have been 
mifled himfelf before he employed his {kill and 
addrefs to millead others ; will certainly, fince he 

U declares 


declares he aims at no feduftion *, be difpofed to 
excufe even the weaker): effort to prevent it. 

And furely if the general opinions that poiTefs 
the minds of the people may pofiibly be of con- 
iequence in public affairs, it muft be fit to fet 
thofe opinions right. If there is danger, as the 
Remarker fuppofes, that " extravagant expedla- 
" tions" may embarrafs " a virtuous and able mi- 
" niftry," and " render the negotiation for peace a 
" work of infinite difficulty ^-;" there is no lefs 
danger that expectations too- low, through want 
of proper information, may have a contrary effect; 
may make even a virtuous and able mmiflry lefs 
anxious, and lefs attentive to the obtaining points, 
in which the honour and intereft of the nation are 
effentially concerned ; and the people lefs hearty 
in fupporting fuch a miniftry and its meafures. 

The people of this nation are indeed refjpedt- 
able, not for their numbers only, but for 'their 
underftanding and their public fpirit : they ma- 
nifeft the firft, by their universal approbation of 
the late prudent and vigorous meafures, and the 
confidence they fo juftly repofe in a wife and good 
prince, and anhoneft and able adminiftration; the 
latter they have demonftrated by the immenfe fup- 
plies granted in parliament unanimoufly, and paid 
through the whole kingdom with cheerfulnefs. 
And fince to this fpirit arid thefe fupplies, our 
" victories and fucceffes J" have in great meafure 
been owing ; is it quite right, is it generous to 

* Remarks, p. 6. t Ibid. p. 7. Ibid. 


[A: B.T.] Occafion of writing it. 147 

fay, with the Remarker, that the people " had no 
<( mare in acquiring them ?" The mere mob he 
cannot mean, even where he fpeaks of the madnefs 
of the people; for the madnefs of the mob muft 
be too feeble and impotent, armed as the govern 
ment of this country at prefent is, to " over- 
" rule*," even in the flighteft inftances, the virtue 
' and moderation" of a firm and fteady miniflry. 

While the war continues, its final event is quite 
uncertain. The Victorious of this year may be the 
Vanquished of the next. It may therefore be too 
early to fay, what advantages we ought abfolutely 
to infift on, and make ihejme quibus non of a peace. 
If the neceffity of our affairs fhould oblige us to 
accept of terms lefs advantageous than our pre 
fent fucceffes feem to promife us ; an intelligent 
people, as ours is, muft fee that neceffity, and will 
acquiefce. But as a peace, when it is made, may 
be made haftily ; and as the unhappy continuance 
of the war affords us time to confider, among 
feveral advantages gained or to be gained, which 
of them may be mofl for our intereft to retain, if 
fome and not all may poflibly be retained ; I do 
not blame the public difquifition of thefe points, 
as premature or ufelefs. Light often arifes from 
a collifion of opinions, as fire from flint and fteel j 
and if we can obtain the benefit of the light, with 
out danger from the beat fometimes produced by 
controverfy, why mould we difcourage it ? 

Suppofing then, that heaven may ftill continue 
to blefs his Majefty's arms, and that the event of 
* Remarks, p. 7. 

U 2 this 


this juft war may put it in our power to retain 
fome of our conquefls at the making of a peace > 
let us confider, 

j . [The fecurity of a dominion, a juftifiable and 
prudent ground upon which to demand ceffions 
from an enemy.] 

Whether we are to confine ourfelves to thofe 
poffeffions only that were " the objects for which 
" we began th-e war *." This the Remarker feems 
to think right, when the queftion relates to ' Ca- 

* nada, properly fo called -,' it having never been 
' mentioned as one of thofe objects, in any of our 

memorials or declarations, or in any national or 
' public act whatfoever.' But the gentleman him- 
felf will probably agree, that if the Cefllon of Ca 
nada would be a real advantage to us ; we may 
demand it under his fecond head, as an " indem- 
* ( nification for the charges incurred'* in recover 
ing our juft rights 3 otherwife, according to his 
own principles, the demand of Guadaloupe can 
have no foundation. That " our claims before 
" the war were large enough for poffeflioh and 
*' for fecurity too*j-," though it feems a clear 
point with the ingenious Remarker, is, I own, 
not fo with me. I am rather of the contrary 
opinion, and mall prefently give my reafons. 

But firft let me obferve, that we did not make 
thofe claims becaufe they were large enough for 
fecurity, but becaufe we could rightfully claim 

* Remarks, p, 19. t Ibid, 


[A: B.T.] Of fecurities for peace, &c. 149 

no more. Advantages gained in thecourfe of this 
war, may increafe the extent of our rights. Our 
claims before the war contzinedjbme fecurity ; but 
that is no reafon why we mould neglect acquiring 
more, when the demand of more is become rea- 
fonable. It may be reafonable in the cafe of 
America to afk for the fecurity recommended by 
the author of the Letter ||, though it would be 
prepofterous to do it in many other cafes. His 
propofed demand is founded on the little value of 
Canada to the French ; the right we have to afk, 
and the power we may have to infift on an indem 
nification for our expences ; the difficulty the 
French themfelves will be under of reflraining 
their reftlefs fubjecls in America from encroach 
ing on our limits and difturbing our trade ; and 
the difficulty on our parts of preventing encroach 
ments, that may poffibly exift many years without 
coming to our knowledge. 

But the Remarker " does not fee why the 
" arguments employed concerning a fecurity for 
" a peaceable behaviour in Canada y would not 
" be equally cogent for calling for the fame fe- 
" curity in Europe -}-." On a little farther re 
flection, he muft I think be fenfible, that the 
circumftances of the two cafes are widely diffe 
rent. Here we are feparated by the beft and 
cleared of boundaries, the ocean, and we have 
people in or near every part of our territory. Any 

|| Page 30. of the Letter, and p. 2 1 . of the Remarks. 
f Remarks, p, 24, 


.JO C A N A D A P A M P H L E T. 

attempt to encroach upon us, by building a fort 
even in the obfcureft corner of thefe iflands, mufl 
therefore be known and prevented immediately. 
The aggrelTors alib mufl be known, and the na 
tion they belong to would be accountable for 
their aggrefiion. \r\America it is quite otherwife. 
A vaft wildernefs, thinly or fcarce at all peopled, 
conceals with eafe the march of troops and work 
men. Important pafles may be feized within our 
limits, and forts built in a month, at a fmall ex- 
pence, that may coft us an age, and a million to 
remove. Dear experience has taught us this. But 
what is ftill worfe, the wide extended forefts be 
tween our fettlements and theirs, are inhabited 
by barbarous tribes of favages that delight in war, 
and take pride in murder; fubjects properly nei 
ther of the French nor Englifh j but ftrongly at 
tached to the former by the art and indefatigable 
induftry of priefts, fimilarity of fuperftitions, and 
frequent family alliance's. Thefe are eafily, and 
have been continually, infligated to fall upon and 
matiacre our planters, even in times of full peace 
between the two crowns ; to the certain diminu 
tion of our people and the contraction of our fet 
tlements *. And though it is known they are 


* A very intelligent writer of that country, Dr. Clark, in his 
Obfervations on the late and prefent Condudt of the French, &c. 
printed at Bofton 1755, fays, 

* The Indians in the French interefl are, upon all proper oppor- 
tunities, inftigated by their priejis, (who have generally the chief 
' management of their public councils,) to adls of hoftility againft 
' the Englifh, even in time of profound peace between the two 

3 * crowns. 

[A: B.T.] Offecurities for peace, &c. 151 the French and carry their prifoners 
to them, we can by complaining obtain no re- 
drefs ; as the governors of Canada have a ready 
excufe, that the Indians are an independent peo 
ple, ovej whom they have no power, and for 
whofe actions they are therefore not accountable. 
Surely circumftances fo widely different, may 
reafonably authorife different demands of fecurity 
in America, from fuch as are ufual or necelTary 
in Europe. 

crowns. Of this there are many undeniable inftances : The 
war between the Indians and the colonies of the Maflachufetts 
Bay and New Hampihire, in 1723, by which thofe colonies fuf- 
fered fo much damage, was begun by the inftigation of the French ; 
their fupplies were from them ; and there are now original letters 
of feveral Jefuits to be produced, whereby it evidently appears, 
that they were continually animating the Indians, when almoft 
tired with the war, to a farther profecution of it. The French 
not only excited the Indians, and fupported them, but joined 
their own forces with them in all the late hoftilities that have 
been committed within his Majefty's province of Nova Scotia. 
And from an intercepted letter this year from the Jefuit at Penob- 
fcot, and from other information, it is certain that they have been 
ufing their utmoft endeavours to excite the Indians to new afts of 
hoftility againft his Majefty's colony of the Maflachufetts Bay; and 

fome have been committed. The French not only excite the 

Indians to acts of hoftility, but reward them for it, by buying 
the Englijh prifoners of them : for the ranfom of each of which 
they afterwards demand of us the price that is ufually given for 
a flave in thefe colonies. They do this under the fpecious pre 
tence of refcuing the poor prifoners from the cruelties and bar 
barities of the favages ; but in reality ( to encourage them to con 
tinue their depredations, as they can by this means get more by 
hunting theEnglifh, than by hunting \vild-beafts'; and the French 
at the fame time are thereby enabled to keep up a large body of 
Indians, entirely at the expence oftke Engtijb.' 



The Remarker, however, thinks, that our real 
dependance for keeping " France or any other na- 
*' tion true to her engagements, muft not be in 
" demanding fecurities which no nation whilft 
" independent can give; but on our own flrength 
<s and our own vigilance *." No nation that has 
carried on a war with difadvantage, and is unable 
to continue it, can be faid, under fuch circum- 
flances, to be independent -, and while either fide 
thinks itfelf in a condition to demand an indem 
nification, there is no man in his fenfes, but will, 
caeteris paribus, prefer an indemnification that is 
a cheaper and more effectual fecurity than any 
other he can think of. Nations in this fituation 
demand and cede countries by almoft every treaty 
of peace that is made. The French part of the 
ifland of St. Cbriftophers was added to Great Bri 
tain in circumftances altogether fimilar to thofe 
in which a few months may probably place the 
country of Canada. Farther fecurity has always 
been deemed a motive with a conqueror to be lefs 
moderate : And even the vanquijhed infift upon 
fecurity as a reafon for demanding what they ac 
knowledge they could not otherwife properly afk. 
The fecurity of the frontier of France on thejide 
of the Netherlands, was always confidered, in the 
negotiation that began at Gertruydenburgh, and 
ended with that war. For the fame reafon they 
demanded and had Cape Breton. But a war 
concluded to the advantage of France, has always 
* Remarks, p. 25. 


[A: B.T.] Of Securities for peace, &c. 153 

added fome'.hing to the power, either of France, 
or the he de of Bourbon. Even that of 1733, 
which fh . commenced with declarations of her 
having no ambitious views, and which rimmed 
by a treaty at which the miniflers of France re 
peatedly declared that me delired nothing for her- 
felf ; in effect gained for herLorrain, an indemni 
fication ten times thevalueof all her North Ameri 
can pofleffions. In fhort, fecurity and quiet of 
princes and ftates have ever been deemed fufficient 
reafons, when fupported by power, for difpofing 
of rights -, and fuch difpofition has never been 
looked on as want of moderation. It has always 
been the foundation of the moft general treaties. 
The fecurity of Germany was the argument for 
yielding confiderable poffeffions there to the 
Swedes: And the fecurity of Europe divided the 
Spanijh monarchy by the partition treaty, made 
between powers who had no other right to dif- 
pofe of any part of it. There can be no ceffion 
that is not fuppofed at leaft, to incre?fe the power 
of the party to whom it is made. It is enough 
that he has a right to afk it, and that he does it 
not merely to ferve the purpofes of a dangerous 

Canada in the hands of Britain, will endanger 
the kingdom of France as little as any other cef- 
lion ; and from its fituation and circumftances 
cannot be hurtful to any other ftate. Rather/ if 
peace be an advantage, this ceffion may be fuch 
to all Europe. The prefent war teaches us, that 
di/putes arifing in America, may be an occafion of 

X embroiling, 


embroiling nations who have no concerns there. 
If the French remain in Canada and Louifiana, fix 
the boundaries as you will between us and them, 
we muft border on each other for more than 1 500 
miles. The people that inhabit the frontiers, are 
generally the refufe of both nations; often of the 
worft morals and the leaft difcretion; remote from 
the eye, the prudence, and the reftraint of govern 
ment. Injuries are therefore frequently, in fome 
part or other of fo long a frontier, committed on 
both fides, refentment provoked, the colonies firft 
engaged, and then the mother countries. And two 
great nations can fcarce be at war in Europe, but 
fome other prince or ftate thinks it a convenient 
opportunity to revive fome ancient claim, feize 
fome advantage, obtain fome territory, or enlarge 
fome power at the expence of a neighbour. The 
flames of war once kindled, often fpread far and 
wide, and the mifchief is infinite. Happy it 
proved to both nations, that the Dutch were pre 
vailed on finally to cede the New Netherlands 
(now the province of New York) to us at the peace 
of 1 674 ; a peace that has ever fince continued be 
tween us; but mutt have been frequently difturbed, 
if they had retained the pofleffion of that country, 
bordering feveral hundred miles on our colonies of 
Penfylvania weftward, Connecticut and the Maf- 
fachufetts eaftward. Nor is it to be wondered at 
that people of different language, religion, and 
manners, mould in thofe remote parts engage in 
frequent quarrels ; when we find, that even the 
people of our own colonies have frequently been 


[ A : B . T . ] Canada afecurlty ; but forts none. 155 

fo exafperated againfl each other in their difputes 
about boundaries, as to proceed to open violence 
and bloodmed. 

2. [Erecting forts in the back fettlements, almoft 

in no injlances a fuffacicnt fecurity againfl the 

Indians and the French ; but the pofleffion of 

Canada implies every fecurity \ and ought to 

be had, while in our power .] 

But theRemarker thinks wejhall be fufHciently 

fecure in America, if we ' raife Englifh forts at 

( fuch paffes as may at once make us refpettable to 

' the French and to the Indian nations *.' The 

fecurity delirable in America, may be confidered 

as of three kinds j i . A fecurity of pofTeffion, that 

the French (hall not drive us out of the country. 

2. A fecurity of our planters from the inroads of 
favages, and the murders committed by them. 

3. A fecurity that the Britifti nation mall not be 
obliged, on every new war, to repeat the immenfe 
expence occafioned by this, to defend its pofleffions 
in America. Forts in the moft important pafTes, 
may, I acknowledge, be of ufe to obtain the^r/2 
kind of fecurity : but as thofe fituations are far ad 
vanced beyond the inhabitants, the expence of 
maintaining and fupplying the garrifons, will be 
very great even in time of full peace, and immenfe 
on every interruption of it;, as it is eafy for fkulk- 
ing parties of the enemy in fuch long roads through 
the woods, to intercept and cut off our convoys,, 
unlefs guarded continually by great bodies of men. 
Thefecond kind of fecurity, will not be obtain^ 

* Remarks, p. 35. 

X 2 edi 


ed by fuch forts, unlefs they were connected by a 
wall like that of China, from one end of our fettle- 
ments to the other. If the Indians when at war, 
marched like the Europeans, with great armies, 
heavy cannon, baggage and carriages ; the pafTes 
through which alone fuch armies could penetrate 
our country or receive their fupplies, being fecured, 
all might be fufficiently fecure ; but the cafe is 
widely different. They go to war, as they call it, 
in fmall parties ; from fifty men down to five. 
Their hunting life has made them acquainted with 
the whole country, and fcarce any part of it is 
impracticable to fuch a party. They can travel 
through the woods even by night, and know how 
to conceal their tracks. They pafs eafily between 
your forts undifcovered ; and privately approach 
the fettlements of your frontier inhabitants. They 
need no convoys of provifions to follow them; for 
whether they are fhifting from place to place in 
the woods, or lying in wait for an opportunity to 
ftrike a blow, every thicket and every ftream fur- 
nimes fo fmall a number with fufficient fubfiftence. 
When they have furprized feparately, and murdered 
and fcalped a dozen families, they are gone with 
inconceivable expedition through unknown ways ; 
and 'tis very rare that purfuers have any chance of 
coming up with them*. In (hort, long experience 


* * Although thelndians live fcattered, as a hunter's life requires, 
' they may be collected together from almoft any diftance ; as they 
* can find their fubfiltence from their gun in their travelling. But 
' let the number of the Indians be what it will, they are not formi- 
' dable merely on account of their numbers j there are many other 

* circumftances 

[A: B.T,] Canada afecurlty ; but forts none. 157 

has taught our planters, that they cannot rely upon 
forts as a fecurity againftlndians : The inhabitants 


* circumftances that give them a great advantage over the Englifli. 

* The Englilh inhabitants, though numerous, are extended over 
' a large traft of land, 500 leagues in length on the fea fhore ; and 

* although fome of their trading towns are thick fettled, their fet- 
' tlements in the country towns muft be at a diftance from each 

* other : befides, that in a new country where lands are cheap, peo- 
' pie are fond of acquiring large tracts to themfelves ; and there- 
' fore in the out-fettlements, they muft be more remote: and as 

* the people that move out are generally poor, they fit down either 
' where they can eafieft procure land, or fooneft raife a fubfiftence. 
' Add to this, that the Englijb have fixed fettled habitations, the 
' eafieft and fhorteft paflages to which the Indians, by conftantly 

* hunting in the woods, are perfectly well acquainted with ; whereas 

* the Englijb know little or nothing of the Indian country, nor of 

* the paflages through the woods that lead to it. The Indian way 

* of making war is by fudden attacks upon expofed places ; and as 
' foon as they have done mifchief, they retire, and either go home 

* by the fame or fome different route, as they think fafeft ; or go to 

* fome other place at a diftance to renew their ftroke. If a fufficient 

* party mould happily be ready to purfue them, it is a great chance, 
' whether in a countryconfifting of woods and fwamps, which the 
' Englijb are not acquainted with, the enemy do not lie in ambufh 
' for them in fome convenient place, and from thence deftroy them. 
' If this mould not be the cafe, but the Englijb mould purfue them, 

* as foon as they have gained the rivers, by means of their canoes, 
' (to the ufe of which they are brought up from their infancy) they 

* prefently get out of their reach: further, if a body of men were 

* to march into their country, to the places where they are fettled, 
' they can, upon the leaft notice, without great difadvantage, quit 

* their prefent habitations, and betake themfelves to new ones.' 
Clark's Obfervations, p. 13. 

' It has been already remarked, that the tribes of the Indians 
living upon the lakes and rivers that run upon the back of the Eng 
lijb fettlements in North America, are very numerous, and can 
furnifh a great number of fighting men, all perfe&ly well acquaint 
ed with the ufe of arms as foon as capable of carrying them, as 
they get the whole of their fubfiftence from hunting; and that 
this army, large as it may be, can be maintained by the French 
without anyexpence. From their numbers, their fituation, and 
the rivers that run into the Englijb fettlements, it is cafy to con- 
3 ' ceive 


of Hackney might as well rely upon the tower of 
London to lecure them againft highwaymen and 
houfebreakers. As to the third kind of fecurity, 
tliat we mall not, in a few years, have all we have 
now done, to do over again in America; and be ob 
liged to employ the fame number of troops, and 
Ihips, at the fame immenfe expence to defend our 
pofleffions there, while we are in proportion weak 
ened here : fuch forts I think cannot prevent this. 
During a peace, it is not to be doubted the French, 
who are adroit at fortifying, will likewife erecl: 
forts in the moft advantageous places of the coun 
try we leave them j which will make it more diffi 
cult than ever to be reduced in cafe of another war. 
We know by the experience of this war, how 
extremely difficult it is to march an army through 
the American woods, with its neceflary cannon and 

ceive that they can at any time make an attack upon, and con- 
ftantly annoy as many of the expofed Englijh fettlements as they 
pleafe, and thofe at any diftance from each other. The effefts 
of fuch incurfions have been too feverely felt by many of the Brittjb 
colonies, not to be very well known The entire breaking up 
places that had been for a confiderable time fettled at a great ex- 
pence, both of labour and money ; burning the houfes, deftroy- 
ing the Hock, killing and making prifoners great numbers of 
the inhabitants, with all the cruel ufage they meet with in their 
captivity, is only a part of the fcene. All other places that are 
expofed are kept in continual terror; the lands lie wafle and un 
cultivated, from the danger that attends thofe that fhall prefume to 
work upon them : befides the immenfe charge the governments 
muft be at in a very ineffectual manner to defend their extended 
frontiers ; and all this from the influence the French have had 
over, but comparatively, a few of the Indians. To the fame or 
greater evils Hill will every one of the colonies be expofed, when 
ever the fame influence (hall be extended to the whole body of 
them,' Ibid. p. zo. 

[A:B.T.] Canada a fecurity, but forts none. 159 

flores, fufficient to reduce a very flight fort. The 
accounts at the treafury will tell you what amaz 
ing fums we have necefTarily fpent in the expedi 
tions againft two very trifling forts, Duquefne and 
Crown Point. While the French retain their in 
fluence over the Indians, they can eafily keep our 
long extended frontier in continual alarm, by a 
very few of thofe people ; and with a fmall num 
ber of regulars and militia, in fuch a country, we 
find they can keep an army of ours in full em 
ploy for feveral years. We therefore fhalj not 
need to be told by our colonies, that if we leave 
Canada, however circumfcribed, to the French, 
" we have done nothing * ;" we (hall foon be 
made fenfible ourfehes of this truth, and to our 

I would not be understood to deny that even if 
we fubdue and retain Canada, fame few forts may 
be of ufe to fecure the goods of the traders, and 
protect the commerce, in cafe of any fudden mif- 
underilanding with any tribe of Indians : but thefe 
forts will be beft under the care of the colonies 
interefted in the Indian trade, and garrifoned by 
their provincial forces, and at their own expence. 
Their own intereft will then induce the American 
governments to take care of fuch forts in propor 
tion to their importance ; and fee that the officers 
keep their corps full, and mind their duty. But 
any troops of ours placed there, and accountable 
here j would, in fuch remote and obfcure places, 
and at fo great a diftance from the eye and in- 

* Remarks, p. 26. 



fpeftion of fuperiors, foon become of little confe- 
quence, even though the French were left in pof- 
feffion of Canada. If the four independent com 
panies, maintained by the Crown in New York 
more than forty years, at a great expence, con- 
lifted, for moft part of the time, of faggots 
chiefly; if their officers enjoyed their places as 
fine cures, and were only, as a writer * of that 
country ftiles them, a kind of military monks; if 
this was the flate of troops ported in a populous 
country, where the impoiition could not be fo 
well concealed ; what may we expedt will be the 
cafe of thofe that fhall be pofted two, three, 
pr four hundred miles from the inhabitants, in 
fuch obfcure and remote places as Crown Point, 
Ofwego, Duquefne, orNiagara? they would fcarce 
be even faggots ; they would dwindle to meer 
names upon paper, and appear no where but upon 
the mufter-rolls. 

Now all the kinds of fecurity we have mentioned, 
are obtained by fubduing and retaining Canada. 
Our prefent pofTeffions in America, are fecured ; 
our planters will no longer be maflacred by the 
Indians; who depending abfolutely on us for what 
are now become the neceflaries of life to them, 
(guns, powder, hatchets, knives, and clothing) 
and having no other Europeans near, that can 
either fupply them, or inftigate them againft us ; 
there is no doubt of their being always difpofed, 
if we treat them with common juftice, to live in 
perpetual peace with us. And with regard to 

* Douglafs. 


[A: B.T.] Canada afecurity\ but forts none. 161 

France, fhe cannot, in cafe of another war, put 
us to the immenfe expence of defending that long 
extended frontier ; we {hall then, as it were, have 
our backs againft a wall in America .; the fea coaft 
will be eaiily protedted by our fuperior naval 
power : and here " our own watchfulnefs and our 
own ftrength " will be properly, and cannot but 
be fuccefsfully employed. In this lituation, the 
force now employed in that part of the world, 
may be fpared for any other fervice here or elfe- 
where ; fo that both the offenfive and defenfive 
flrength of the Britifh empire, on the whole, will 
be greatly increafed. 

But to leave the French in pofTeffion of Canada 
when it is in our power to remove them y and depend, 
(as theRemarker propofes,) on our own " ftrength 
" and watchfulnefs * " to prevent the mlfchiefs 
that may attend it, feems neither fafe nor prudent. 
Happy as we now are, under the beft of kings, 
and in the profpect of a fucceffion promifing every 
felicity a nation was ever blefled with ; happy too 
in the wifdom and vigour of every part of the ad- 
miniftration ; we cannot, we ought not to promife 
ourfelves the uninterrupted continuance of thofe 
bleffings. The fafety of a confiderable part of the 
flate, and the intereft of the whole, are not to be 
trufted to the wifdom and vigour of future admi- 
viftrations 5 when a fecurity is to be had more ef- 
fedual, more conftant, and much lefs expenfive. 
They who can be moved by the apprehenfion of 
dangers fo remote, as that of the future indepen- 

* Page 25, 

Y de,nce 


dence of our colonies (a point I mall hereafter con- 
fider) feem fcarcely confident with themfelves, 
when they fuppofe we may rely on the wifdom 
and vigour of an adminiftration for their fafety. 
I mould indeed think it lefs material whether Ca 
nada were ceded to us or not, if I had in view 
only the fecurity of -poffeffion in our colonies. I 
entirely agree with the Remarker, that we are in 
North America " a far greater continental as well 
*' as naval power ;" and that only cowardice or 
ignorance can fubjecl: our colonies there to aFrench 
conqueft. But for the fame reaibn I difagree with 
him widely upon another point. 

3. [T'/je blood and treafure fpent in tie American 

wars, not (pent in *the caufe of the colonies 

i i ' 

I do not think that our " blood and treafure 
** has been expended," as he intimates, " m the 
" cat/ft' of tbe colonies," and that we are " mak- 
' ing conquefts for them * :" yet I believe this 
is too common an error. I do not iay they are 
altogether unconcerned in the event. The in 
habitants of them are, in common with the other 
fubjects of Great Britain, anxious for the glory of 
her crown, the extent of her 'power and com 
merce, the welfare and future repofe of the whole 
Bri-tifh. people. : They could not therefore but 
take a large mare in the affronts offered to Bri 
tain ; and haye been animated with a truly Britifli 
fpirit to exert themfelves beyond .their iirength, 

f Remarks, p, 26, 


[A:B.T.] Warinkmzr.notfor Colonies alone. 163 

and againfl their evident intereft. Yet fo unfor 
tunate have they been, that their virtue has made 
againft them; for upon no better foundation 
than this, have they been fuppofed the authors of 
a war, carried on for their advantage only. It is 
a great miftake to imagine that the American coun 
try in queflion between Great Britain andFrance, 
is claimed as the property of any individuals or pub 
lic body in America ; or that the poffeffion of it by 
Great Britain, is likely, in any lucrative view, to 
redound at all to the advantage of any perfon there. 
On the other hand, the bulk of the inhabitants of 
North America are land-owners ; whofe lands are 
inferior in value to thofe of Britain, only by the, 
want of an equal number of people. It is true, the 
acceflion of the large territory claimed before the 
war began, (efpecially if that be fecured by the pof 
feffion of Canada,) will tend to the increafe of the 
Britijh fubjeffs fafter than if they had been con 
fined within the mountains: yet the increafe within 
the mountains only, would evidently make the 
comparative population equal to that of Great 
Britain much fooner than it can be expecled when 
our people are fpread over a country fix times as 
large. 1 think this, is the only point of light in 
which this queftion is to be viewed, and is the 
only one in which any of the colonies are con 
cerned. No colony, no porTefTor of lands in any 
colony, therefore wifhes for conquefls, or can be 
benefited by. them, otherwife than as they may be 
a means of 'fecuring -peace on their -.borders. "No 
eonfiderable advantage has refulted to the colonies 

Y 2 by 


by the conquefts of this war, or can refult from 
confirming them by the peace, but what they muft 
enjoy in common with the reft of the Britifh peo 
ple; with this evident drawback from their mare 
of thefc advantages, that they will necerTarily lef- 
fen, or at leaft prevent the increafe of the value of 
what makes the principal part of their private pro 
perty [their land J. A people fpread through the- 
whole tract of country on this fide the Miffiffippi* 
and fecured by Canada in our hands, would pro 
bably for fome centuries find employment in agri 
culture; and thereby free us at home effectually 
from our fears of American manufactures. Un 
prejudiced men well know that all the penal and 
prohibitory laws that ever were thought on, will 
not be furficient to prevent manufactures in a coun 
try whofe inhabitants furpafs the number that can 
fubfift by the hufbandry of it. That this will be 
the cafe in America foon, if our people remain con 
fined within the mountains, and almoft as foon 
fhould it be unfafe for them to live beyond, though 
the country be ceded to us ; no man acquainted 
with political and commercial hiftory can doubt. 
Manufactures are founded in poverty : It is the 
multitude of poor without land in a country, and 
who muft work for others at low wages or ftarve ; 
that enables undertakers to carry on a manufacture,, 
and afford it cheap enough to prevent the importa^ 
tion of the fame kind from abroad, and to bear the 
expence of its own exportation.. But no man. who 
can have a piece of land of his own, fufficient by 
his labour to fublift his family in plenty, is poor 
3 * enough 

[A:B.T.] Warinkmzt.notfor Colonies alone. 165 

enough to be a manufacturer, and work for a maf- 
ter. Hence, while there is land enough in America 
for our people, there can never be manufactures to 
any amount or value. It is a ftriking obfervation 
of a very able pen -)-, that the natural livelihood of 
the thin inhabitants of a foreft country is hunting ; 
that of a greater number, pafturage ; that of a 
middling population, agriculture ; and that of the 
greateft, manufactures > which laft muft fubfift the 
bulk of the people in a full country, or they muft 
be fubfifted by charity, or perifh. The extended 
population, therefore, that is moft advantageous 
to Great Britain, will be beft effected, becaufe only 
effectually fecured, by our pofleflion of Canada. 

So far as the being of our prefent colonies in 
North America is concerned, I think indeed with 
theRemarker, that the French there are not " an 
" enemy to be apprehended*;" but the expref- 
lion is too vague to be applicable to the prefent, 
or indeed to any other cafe. Algiers, Tunis and 
Tripoli, unequal as they are to this nation in power 
and numbers of people, are enemies to be ftill 
apprehended ; and the Highlanders of Scotland 
have been fo for many ages, by the greateft princes 
of Scotland and Britain. The wild Irim were able 
to give a great deal of difturbance even to Queen 
Elizabeth, and coft her more blood and treafure 
than her war with Spain. Canada in the hands of 
France has always ftinted the growth of our co- 

f [This I believe is meant for Dr. Adam Smith, who feeins not 
at this time to have printed any of his political pieces* E.} 
f Remarks, p. 27. 

lonies > 


Ionics ; in the courfe pf this war, ; and indeed before 
it, has /difturbed arid vexed even the; belt and ftr,ongr 
eft of- them -, has found means to murder thoufands 
of their people, and un fettle a great part of their 
country. Much more able will it be to ftarve the 
growth of an infant fettlement. Canada has alfo 
found means to make this nation fpend two -or 
three millions a year in America ; and a people, 
how fmall foever, that in their prefent fituation, 
can do this as often as we have a war with them, 
is methinks, " an enemy to be apprehended." 

Our North American colonies are to be confi- 
dered as the frontier of the Br-itijh empire on that 
fide. The frontier of any dominion being attack 
ed, it becomes not merely '" the caufe" of the 
people immediately affected, (the inhabitants of 
that frontier) but properly "the caufe" of the 
whole body. Where the frontier people owe and 
pay obedience, there they have a right to look for 
protection: No political proportion is better 
eftablifhed than this. It is therefore invidious to 
reprefent the " blood and treafure" fpent in this 
war, as fpent in " the caufe of the colonies" only; 
and that they are " abfurd and ungrateful" if they 
think we have done nothing, unlefs we. *,' make 
" conquefis for them," and reduce Canada to 
gratify their ct vain ambition," &c. It ^vrll/not 
be a conqueffc for f/jem 3 ._nor gratify any vain .am 
bition of theirs. It will be a conquefb for.,. the 
whole j and all our people will, in the increafe 
of trade, and the eafe of taxes, find the adyan'tage 
of it. Should we be obliged at ^riy time to make 
3 a war 

[A: B.T.] War In Km^ .not for Colonies alone. 167 

a war for the protection of our commerce, and 
to fecure the exportation of our manufactures $ 
would it be fair to reprefent fuch a war, merely as 
blood and treafure fpent in the caufe of the weavers 
of Yorkshire, Norwich, or the Weft; the cutlers 
of Sheffield, or the button-makers of Birming 
ham ? I hope it will appear before I end thefe 
Iheets, that if ever there was a national war, this 
is truly fuch a one : a war in which the interefi 
of the whole nation is directly and fundamentally 
concerned. Thofe who would be thought deeply 
fkilled in human nature, affect to difcover felf- 
interefted views every where at the bottom of 
the faireft, the moft generous conduct. Sufpicions 
and charges of this kind, meet with ready recep 
tion and belief in the minds even of the multitude ; 
and therefore lefs acutenefs and addrefs than the 
Remarker is pofTeffed of, would be fufficient to 
perfuade the nation generally, that all the zeal 
and fpirit manifefted and exerted by the colonies 
in this war, was. only in (( their own caufe," to 
" make conquefts for themfelves," to engage us 
to make more for them, to gratify their own 

CJ J. 

(e vain ambition." 

But mould they now ' humbly addrefs the 
' mother country in the terms and the fentiments 
' of the Kemarker ; return her their "grateful ac- 

i . O 

f knowleidgments ' for the blood arid treafure ihe 
' had fperitin "their caufe j" cdnfefs that enough 
* had been tforie "for them V allow that "Eng- 
" lifh forts raifed in proper paftes, willi with the 
" wifdom and rigour of her adtniniflration" be a 

- fufficient 


' fufficient future protection; exprefs their deiires 

* that their people may be confined within the 
' mountains, left [if] they are fuffered to fpread 
' and extend themfelves in the fertile and pleafant 

* country on the other fide, they mould " increafe 
" infinitely from all caufes," " live wholly on 
" their own labour" and become independent ; 

* beg therefore that the French may be fuffered 
' to remain in pofleffion of Canada, as their neigh- 
c bourhood maybeufeful to prevent our increafe; 

* and the removing them may " in its confe- 
" quences be even dangerous*:" I fay, mould 
fuch an addrefs from the colonies make its appear 
ance here, (though, according to the Remarker, 
it would be a moft juil and reafonable one -,) would 
it not, might it notwith more juftice be anfwered, 

We understand you, Gentlemen, perfectly well: 
you have only your own intereft in view : you 
want to have the people confined within your 
prefent limits, that in a few years the lands you 
are pofTefledof may increafe tenfold in value ! you 
want to reduce the price of labour, by increafing 
numbers on the fame territory, that you may be 
able to fet up manufactures and vie with your 
mother country ! you would have your people 
kept in a body, that you may be more able to 
dilpute the commands of the crown, and obtain 
an independency. You would have the French 
left in Canada, to exercife your military virtue, 
and make you a warlike people, that you may 
have more Confidence to embark in fchemes of 

* Remarks, p. 50, 51. 

* dif- 

[A: B.T.] War in Amer. not for Colonies alone. 1 69 

* difobedience, and greater ability to fupport 

* them ! You have tafted too, the fweets of TWO 
OR THREE MILLIONS Sterling per annum fpent 
among you by our fleets and forces, and you are 
unwilling to be without a pretence for kindling 
up another war, and thereby occafioning a re 
petition of the fame delightful dofes ! But, Gen 
tlemen, allow us to underftand our intereft a 
little likewife : we fhall remove the French from 
Canada, that you may live in peace, and we be 
no more drained by your quarrels. You fhall 
have land enough to cultivate, that you may 
have neither neceffity nor inclination to go into 
manufactures ; and we will manufacture for you, 
and govern you.' 

A reader of the Remarks may be apt to fay ; if 
this writer would have us reflore Canada, on prin 
ciples of moderation ; how can we, confident with 
thofe principles, retain Guadaloupe, which he re- 
prefents of fo much greater value ! I will endea 
vour to explain this, becaufe by doing it I fhall have 
an opportunity of mewing the truth and good fenfe 
of the anfwer to the interefted application I have 
juft fuppofed: The author then is only apparently 
and not really inconfiftent with himfelf. If we can 
obtain the credit of moderation by reftoring Cana 
da, it is well : but we mould, however, reflore it 
at all events -, becaufe it would not only be of no 
ufe to us 5 but " the pofTeflion of it (in his opinion) 
" may in its conferences be dangerous *." As 
* Remarks, p. 50, 51, 

5 how ? 

* c 


how? Why, plainly, (at length it comes out) if the 
French are not left there to check the growth of 
our colonies, " they will extend themfelves almoft 
" without bounds into the inland parts, and in- 
" creafe infinitely from all caufes ; becoming a 
" numerous, hardy, independent people; pof- 
fefTed of a ftrong country, communicating lit- 
tie or not at all with England, living wholly on 
" their own labour, and in procefs of time know- 
" ing little and enquiring little about the mother 
tf country." In fhort, according to this writer, 
our prefent colonies are largeenough and numerous 
enough ; and the French ought to be left in North 
America to prevent their increafe, left they become 
not only ufelefs, but dangerous to Britain. I agree 
with the Gentleman, that with Canada inourpof- 
feffion, our people in America will increafe amaz 
ingly. I know, that their common rate, of increafe, 
where they are not moleffced by the enemy, is 
doubling their numbers every twenty-five years, 
by natural generation only; exclufive of trie accef- 
fion of foreigners*. I think this increafe continu 
ing, would probably in a century more, make the 

* The reafon of this greater increafe in America than in Europe,. 
n, that in old fettled countries, all trades, farms, offices, and 
employments are full ; and many people refrain marrying till they 
fee an opening, in which they can fettle themfelves, with a reafon- 
able profpect of maintaining a family : but in America, it being. 
eafy to obtain land, which with moderate labour will afford fubnT- 
tence and fomething to fpare, people marry more readily and earlier 
in life, whence arifes a numerous offspring and the.fwift population, 
of thofe countries. 'Tis a common error that we cannot fill our. 
provinces or increafe the number of them, without draining this 
iration of its people. The increment alone of our prefent colonies 
is Micient for both thofe purpofes. [Written in 1760. E.j 


[ A : B .T . ] The Colonies ufeful to G . Britain. 171 

number of Britifh fubjefts on that fide the water 
more numerous than they now are on this ; But 

4. [ Not neceffhry that the American colonies 
Jhould ceafe being ufeful to the mother country. 
Their preference over the Weft Indian colonies 

I am far from entertaining on that account, 
any fears of their becoming either ufelefs or danger 
ous to us; and I look on thofe fears to be merely 
imaginary, and 'without any probable foundation. 
The Remarker is referved in giving his reafons ; 
as in his opinion this f( is not a fit fubject for 
" difcuffion." I (hall give mine, becaufe I con 
ceive it a fubject necefTary to be difculfed ; and 
the rather, as thofe fears, how groundlefs and chi 
merical foever, may, by poffefling the multitude, 
poffibly induce the ableft miniftry to conform to 
them againft their own judgment ; and thereby 
prevent the afTuring to the Britilh name and na 
tion a ftability and permanency, that no man 
acquainted with hiftory durft have hoped for till 
our American pofTeffions opened the pleafing pro- 
fpeft. The Remarker thinks that our people in 
America, u finding no check from Canada, would 
*' extend themfelves almoft without bounds into 
" the inland parts, and increafe infinitely from all 
" caufes." The very reafon he afiigns for their 
fo extending, and which is indeed the true one, 
(their being " invited to it by the pleafantnefs, 
" fertility and plenty of the country,") may fa- 
tisfy us, that this extenfion will continue to pro- 

Z 2 ceed, 


ceed, as long as there remains any pleafant fertile 
country within their reach. And if we even fup- 
pofe them confined by the waters of the Miffiffippi 
weftward, and by thofe of St. Laurence and the 
lakes to the northward ; yet ftill we {hall leave 
them room enough to increafe even in the 
manner of fettling now praclifed there, till they 
amount to perhaps a hundred millions of fouls. 
This muft take fome centuries to fulfil : And in 
the mean time, this nation muft necefTarily fupply 
them with the manufactures they confume ; be- 
caufe the new fettlers will be employed in agri 
culture -, and the new fettlements will fo conti 
nually draw off the fpare hands from the old, 
that our prefent colonies will not, during the pe 
riod- we have mentioned, find themfelves in a 
condition to manufacture even for their own in 
habitants, to any confiderable degree ; much lefs 
for thofe who are fettling behind them. 

Thus our trade muft, till that country becomes 
as fully peopled as England, (that is for centuries 
to come,) be continually increafing, and with it 
our naval power j becaufe the ocean is between 
us and them, and our mips and feamen muft in 
creafe as that trade increases. The human body 
and the political differ in this j that the firft is 
limited by nature to a certain ftature, which, 
when attained, it cannot, ordinarily, exceed; 
the other, by better government and more prudent 
police, as well as by change of manners and other 
circumftances, often takes frefh ftarts of growth, 
after being long at a ftand $ and may add tenfold 

3 to 

[A : B.T.] tte Colonies ufeful to G. Britain. 173 

to the dimenfions it had for ages been confined to. 
The mother being of full ftature, is in a few years 
equalled by a growing daughter : but in the cafe 
of a mother country and her colonies, it is quite 
different. The growth of the children tends to 
increafe the growth of the mother, and fo the 
difference and fuperiority is longer preferved. 
Were the inhabitants of this ifland limited to their 
prefent number by any thing in nature, or by un 
changeable circumftances, the equality of popu 
lation between the two countries might indeed 
fooner come to pafs : but fure experience in thofe 
parts of the ifland where manufactures have been 
introduced, teaches us ; that people increafe and 
multiply in proportion as the means and facility of 
gaining a livelihood increafe - y and that this ifland, 
if they could be employed, is capable of fupport- 
ing ten times its prefent number of people. In 
proportion therefore, as the demand increafes for 
the manufactures of Britain, by the increafe of peo 
ple in her colonies, the number of her people af 
home will increafe; and with them, the ftrength as 
well as the wealth of the nation. For fatisfa&ion in 
this point let the reader compare in his mind the 
number and force of our prefent fleets, with our 
fleet in Queen Elizabeth's time *, before we had co 
lonies. Let him compare the ancient,with the pre 
fent ftate of our towns and ports on or near our 
weftern coaft, (Manchefter, Liverpool, Kendal, 
Lancafter, Glafgow, and the countries round 
them,) that trade with and manufacture for our 

* Viz. 40 fail, none of more than 40 guns. 



colonies, (not to mention Leeds, Halifax, Sheffield 
and Birmingham,) and coniider what a difference 
there is in the numbers of people, buildings, rents, 
and the value of land and of the produce of land ; 
even if he goes back no farther than is within man's 
memory. Let him compare thofe countries with 
others on the fame ifland, where manufactures 
have not yet extended themfelves ; obferve the pre- 
fent difference, and reflect how much greater our 
ftrength may be, (if numbers give ftrength,) when 
our manufacturers mall occupy every part of the 
ifland where they can poffibly be fubfifted. 

But, fay the objectors, ' there is a certain dif- 
( tancefrom thejea, in America, beyond which the 

* expence of carriage will put a flop to the fale and 
' confumption of your manufactures; and this, with 

' the difficulty of making returns for them, will 

* oblige the inhabitants to manufacture for them- 

* felves; of courfe, if you fuffer your people to ex- 
' tend their fettlements beyond that diftance, your 

* people become ufelefs to you :' And this diftance 
is limited by fome to 200 miles, by others to the 
Apalachian mountains. Not to infift on a very 
plain truth, that no part of a dominion, from 
whence a government may on occafion draw fup- 
plies and aids both of men and money, (though 
at too great a diftance to be fupplied with manu 
factures from fome other part,) is therefore to be 
deemed ufelefs to the whole $ I mall endeavour to 
fhow that thefe imaginary limits of utility, even 
jn point of commerce, are much too narrow. 
'] he inland parts of the continent of Europe are 


[A : B. T.] tte Colonies ufeful to G. Britain. 1 75 

farther from the fea, than the limits of fettlement 
propofed for America. Germany is full of tradef- 
men and artificers of all kinds, and the govern 
ments there, are not all of them always favourable 
to the commerce of Britain ; yet it is a well- 
known facl:, that our manufactures find their way 
even into the heart of Germany. Afk the great 
manufacturers and merchants of the Leeds, Shef 
field, Birmingham, Manchefter, and Norwich 
goods ; and they will tell you, that fome of them 
fend their riders frequently through France orSpain 
and Italy, up to Vienna, and back through the 
middle and northern parts of Germany *, to mow 
famples of their wares and collect orders, which 
they receive by almoft every mail, to a vaft amount. 
Whatever charges arife on the carriage of goods, 
are added to the value, and all paid by the confu- 
mer. If thefe nations over whom we have no go 
vernment ; over whofe confumption we can have 
no influence, but what arifes from the cheaphefs 
and goodnefs of our wares; whofe trade, manu 
factures, or commercial connections are not fub- 
ject to the controul of our laws, as thofe of our 
colonies certainly are in fome degree ; I fay, if 
thefe nations purchafe and confume fuch quanti 
ties of our goods, notwithftanding the remotenefs 
of their fituation from the fea; how much kfs 
likely is it that the fettlers in America, who muft 
for ages be employed in agriculture chiefly, mould 
make cheaper for themfelves the goods our manu 
facturers at prefent fupply them with : Even if 
we fuppofe the carriage five, fix or feven hundred, 



miles from the fea as difficult and expenfive, as the 
like diftanceinto Germany : whereas in the lat 
ter, the natural distances are frequently doubled 
by political obftructions ; I mean the intermixed 
territories and clashing interests of princes J. But 
when we confider that the inland parts of America 
are penetrated by great navigable rivers; that 
there are a number of great lakes, communicating 
with each other, with thofe rivers, and with the 
fea, very fmall portages here and there excepted * ; 
that the fea coafts (if one may be allowed the ex- 
preffion) of thofe lakes only, amount at leaft to 
2700 miles, exclufive of the rivers running into 
them (many of which are navigable to a great 
extent for boats and canoes, through vail traits of 
country); how little likely is it that the expence 
on the carnage of our goods into thofe countries 
fhould prevent the ufe of them. If the poor In 
dians in thofe remote parts are now able to pay for 
the linen, woollen and iron wares they are at pre- 


J [Sir C. Whitworth has the following aflertion. " Each ftate in 
'< Germany is jealous of its neighbours ; and hence, rather than fa- 
" cilitate the export or tranfit of its neighbours produ&s or manu- 
" factories, they have all recourfe to ftrangers." State of Trade, 
p. xxiv. E.] 

* From New York into lake Ontario, the land-carriage of the 
feveral portages altogether, amounts to but about 27 miles. From 
lake Ontario into lake Erie, the land-carriage at Niagara is but 
about 12 miles. All the lakes above Niagara communicate by 
navigable ftraits, fo that no land-carriage is neceflary, to go out of 
one into another. From Prefqu'ifle on lake Erie, there are but 1 5 
miles land-carriage, and that a good waggon-road, to Beef River, 
a branch of the Ohio ; which brings you into a navigation of many 
fhoufand miles inland, if you take together the Ohio, the Miffiffippi, 
and all the great rivers and branches that run into them. 


[A : B.T.] The Colonies ufeful to G. Britain. 177 

fent furnimed with by the French andEnglim tra 
ders, (thoughlndians have nothing but what they 
get by hunting, and the goods are loaded with all 
the impoiitions fraud and knavery can contrive to 
inhance their value ;) will not indujirious Englijh 
farmers, hereafter fettled in thofe countries, be 
much better able to pay for what fhall be brought 
them in the way of fair commerce ? 

If it is afked, What can fuch farmers raife, 
wherewith to pay for the manufactures they may 
want from us ? I anfwer, that the inland parts of 
America in queftion are well known to be fitted 
for the production of hemp, flax, potafh, and 
above all, iilk ; the fouthern parts may produce 
olive-oil, raifins, currants, indigo, and cochineal. 
Not to mention horfes and black cattle, which 
may eafily be driven to the maritime markets, 
and at the fame time afiift in conveying other 
commodities. That the commodities firfr. men 
tioned, may eafily, by water or land-carriage, be 
brought to the fea-ports from interior America, 
will not feem incredible ; when we reflect, that 
hemp formerly came from the Ukraine and mofb 
fouthern parts of Ruffia to Wologda, and down 
theDwina to Archangel; and thence by a perilous 
navigation round the North Cape to England and 
other parts of Europe. It now comes from the 

[The rivers and lakes of Canada perhaps render acceffible (in 
land and water) a traft of almoit 900,000 fquare miles ; the river 
Miififfippi, another tradt of nearly 600,000 fquare miles ; the fet 
tled parts of the Englifli colonies fcarcely extend over a tracl of 
300,000 fquare miles. E.] 

A a fame 


fame country up the Dnieper and down theDuna J, 
with much land-carriage. Great part of theRuffia 
iron* no high-priced commodity* is brought 300 
miles by land and water from the heart of Siberia. 
Furs, [the produce too of America] are brought 
- to Amfterdam from all parts of Siberia, even the 
moft remote, Kamfchatfka. The fame country 
furnifhes me with another inftance of extended 
inland commerce. It is found worth while to keep 
up a mercantile communication between Pekin 
in China and Peterfburgh. And none of thefe 
inftances of inland commerce exceed thofe of the 
courfes by which, at feveral periods, the Whole 
trade of the Raft was carried on. Before the prof- 
perity of the Mamaluke dominion in Egypt fixed 
the flaple for the riches of the Eaft at Cairo and 
Alexandria, (whither they were brought from the 
Red Sea) great part of thofe commodities were 
carried to the cities of Camgar and Balk. (This 
.gave birth to thofe towns, that ftill fubfift upon 
the remains of their ancient opulence, amidft a 
people and country equally wild.) From thence 
thofe goods were carried down the Amu, (the 
ancient Oxus,) to the Cafpian Sea, and up the 
Wolga to Aftrachan ; from whence they were 
carried over to, and down the Don, to the mouth 

% [I beg pardon for attempting to remind the reader that he muft 
not confound the river Duna, with the river Dwina. The fork of 
the Ohio is about 400 miles diftant from the fea, arid the fork of the 
Mifliffippi about 900 : It is 400 miles from Peterfburgh to Mofcow, 
and very confiderably more than 4000 from Peterfburgh to Pekin. 
This is enough to juftify Dr. Franklin's pofitionS in the page above, 
without going into farther particulars. E.j 

3 f 

[ A : B. T.] T^he Colonies ufeful to G* Britain. i 79 

of that river; and thence again the Venetians di 
rectly, and the Genoefe and Venetians indirectly, 
(by way of KafFa and Trebifonde,) difperfed them 
through the Mediterranean and fojne other parts 
of Europe. Another part of thofe goods was car 
ried over-land from the Wolga to the rivers Duna 
and Neva ; from both they were carried to the city 
of Wifbuy in the Baltick, (fo eminent for its fea- 
laws) ; and from the city of Ladoga on the Neva, 
we are told they were even carried bytheDwina 
to Archangel ; and from thence round the North 
Cape. If iron and hemp will bear the charge of 
carriage from this inland country; other metals. 
will, as well as iron; and certainly Jilk, fince 3d. 
per Ib. is not above I per cent on the value, and 
amounts to 28!. per ton*. If the Growths of 
a country find their way out of it ; the Manufac 
tures of the countries where they go will infalli 
bly find their way into it. 

They who understand the oeconomy -and prin 
ciples of manufactures, know, that it is impofli- 
ble to eftablifh them in places not populous ; and 
even in thofe that are populous, hardly poffible 
to eftablifh them to the prejudice of the places 
already in poffejfion of them. Several attempts 
have been made in France and Spain, counte 
nanced by the government, to draw from us and 

* [I think I have been told, and upon the beft authority, that a 
carriage has actually been eftablifhed at tliefe rates, over land, to 
-the Ohio fettlement. Silk, on account of its value and convenient 
bulk, was propofed as a chief objeft of attention in this fettlement. 

A a. 2 eftablifli- 


eftablifli in thofe countries, our hard-ware and 
woollen manufactures; but without fuccefs. The 
reafons are various. A manufacture is part of a 
great fyftem of commerce, which takes in conve- 
niencies of various kinds ; methods of providing 
materials of all forts, machines for expediting and 
facilitating labour, all the channels of correfpon- 
dence for vending the wares, the credit and con 
fidence neceffary to found and fupport this corref- 
pondence, the mutual aid of different artizans, 
and a thoufand other particulars, which time and 
long experience havegrtf^j/Tyeftablimed. A part 
of fuch a fyftem cannot fupport itfelf without the 
whole ; and before the whole can be obtained the 
part perifhes. Manufactures, where they are in per 
fection, are carried on by a multiplicity of hands, 
each of which is expert only in his own part ; no 
one of them a mafter of the whole ; and, if by any 
means fpirited away to a foreign country, he is loft 
without his fellows. Then it is a matter of the 
extremeft difficulty to perfuade a compleat fet of 
workmen, fkilled in all parts of a manufactory to 
leave their country together, and fettle in a foreign 
land. Some of the idle and drunken may be en 
ticed away ; but thefe only difappoint their em 
ployers, and ferve to difcourage the undertaking. 
If by royal munificence, and an expence that the 
profits of the trade alone would not bear, a com 
pleat fet of good and fkilful hands are collected 
and carried over - 3 they find fo much of the fyfteni 
imperfeCt, fo many things wanting to carry on the 
trade to advantage, fo many difficulties to over 

[A : B. T.] The Colonies ufeful to G. Britain. 1 8 1 

come, and the knot of hands fo ealily broken by 
death, dhTatisfaction and defertion ; that they and 
their employers are difcouraged together, and the 
project vanifhes into fmoke. Hence it happens, 
that eftablifhed manufactures are hardly ever loft, 
but by foreign conqueft, or by fome eminent in 
terior fault in manners or government ; a bad po 
lice oppreffing and difcouraging the workmen, or 
religious perfecutions driving thefober and induf- 
trious out of the country. There is, in fhort, 
fcarce a fingle inftance in hiftory of the contrary, 
where manufactures have once taken firm root. 
They fometimes ftart up in a new place ; but are 
generally fupported like exotic plants, at more ex- 
pence than they are worth for any thing but curi- 
ofity ; until thefe new feats become the refuge of 
the manufacturers driven from the old ones. The 
conqueft of Conftantinople, and final reduction of 
the Greek empire, difperfed many curious manu 
facturers into different parts of Chriftendom. The 
former conquefts of its provinces, had before done 
the fame. The lofs of liberty in Verona, Milan, 
Florence, Pifa, Piftoia, and other great cities of 
Italy, drove the manufacturers of woollen cloth 
into Spain and Flanders. The latter firft loft their 
trade and manufactures to Antwerp and the cities 
of Brabant; from whence, by perfecution for reli 
gion, they were fent into Holland and England : 
[While] the civil wars during the minority of 
Charles the firft of Spain, which ended in the lofs 
of the liberty of their great towns; ended too in the 


182 C AN A D A P A M PH L E T. 

lofs of the manufactures of Toledo, Segovia, Sala 
manca, Medina del campo, &c. The revocation of 
the editt of Nantes y communicated, to all the Pro- 
teftant parts of Europe, the paper, iilk, and other 
valuable manufactures of France ; almoft peculiar 
at that time to that country, and till then in vain 
attempted elfewhere. To be convinced that it is 
not foil and climate, or even freedom from taxes, 
that determines the relldence of manufacturers, 
we need only turn our eyes on Holland; where a 
multitude of manufactures are ftill carried on (per 
haps more than on the fame extent of territory 
any where in Europe) and fold on terms upon 
which they cannot be had in any other part of 
the world. And this too is true of thofegrowf/js, 
which, by their nature and the labour required to 
raife them, come the neareft to manufactures. 

As to the common-place objection to the North 
American fettlements, that they are in the fame 
climate t and their produce the fame as that of Eng 
land \ in the firft place it is not true; it is par 
ticularly not fo of the countries now likely to be 
added to our fettlements -, and of our prefent co 
lonies, the products, lumber, tobacco, rice, and 
indigo, great articles of commerce, do not inter 
fere with the products of England : in the next 
place, a man muft know very little of the trade 
of the world, who does not know, that the greater 
part of it is carried on between countries whofe 
climate differs very little. Even the trade between 
the different parts of thefe British iilands, is greatly 


[A : B. T.] The Colonies ufeful to G. Britam. 1 83 

fuperior to that between England and all the Weft 
India iflands put together J. 

If I have been fuccefsful in proving that a con- 
fiderable commerce may and will fubfift between 
us and our future moft inland fettlements in North 
America, rrotwithftanding their diftance ; I have 
more than half proved no other inconveniency will 
arife from their diflance. Many men in fuch a 
country, muft "know," mud " think," and mufl 
" care" about the country they chiefly trade with. 
The juridical and other connections of govern 
ment are yet a fafter hold than even commercial 
ties, and fpread directly and indirectly far and 
wide. Bufinefs to be folicited and caufes depend 
ing, create a great intercourfe even where private 
property is not divided in different countries ; - 
yet this divifion 'will always fubfift, where dif 
ferent countries are ruled by the fame govern 
ment. Where a man has landed property both in 
the mother country and a province, he will almofl 
always live in the mother country : This, though 
there were no trade, is fingly a fufficient gain. It 
is faid, that Ireland pays near a million fterling 
annually to its abfentees in England : The balance 
of trade from Spain, or even Portugal, is fcarcely 
equal to this. 

Let it not be faid we have no abfentees from 
North America. There are many, to the writer's 
knowledge; and if there are at prefent but few 
of them that diftinguilh themfelves here by great 

\ [But why may not a difference of circumftances produce a trade, 
as well as a difference of climate ? Climate itfelf has its effect only 
this difference of circumftances. ' E.] 



expence, it is owing to the mediocrity of fortune 
among the inhabitants of the Northern colonies ; 
and a more equal divifion of landed property, than 
in the Weft India iflands, fo that there are as yet 
but few large eftates. But if thofe who have fuch 
eftates, refide upon and take care of th,em them- 
felves, are they worfe fubj efts ^ than they would 
be if they lived idly in England ? Great merit is 
affumed for the gentlemen of the Weft Indies J, 
on the fcore of their refiding and fpending their 
money in England. I would not depreciate that 
merit ; it is confiderable ; for they might, if they 
pleafed, fpend their money in France : but the 
difference between their fpending it here and at 
home, is not fo great. What do they fpend it in 
when they are here, but the produce and manu 
factures of this country ; and would they not do 
the fame if they were at home ? Is it of any great 
importance to the Englilh -f- farmer, whether the 
Weft India gentleman comes to London and eats 
his beef, pork, and tongues, frefh ; or has them 
brought to him in the Weft Indies falted ? whe 
ther he eats his Englifti cheefe and butter, or 
drinks his Englifh ale, at London or in BarbadoesB 
Is the clothier's, or the mercer's, or the cutler's, 
or the toyman's profit lefs, for their goods being 
worn and confumed by the fame perfons refiding 
on the other fide of the ocean ? Would not the 
profits of the merchant and mariner be rather 
greater, and fome addition made to our naviga- 

l Remarks, p. 47, 48, &c. 

f [Whether our author meaned the Englifh or Irifh farmer, 
eventually perhaps, he thought them one and the fame. E.J 

[A : B. T.] T&e Colonies ufeful to G. Britain. 185 

tion, {hips and feamen ? -If the North American 
gentleman ftays in his own country, and lives 
there in that degree of luxury and expence with 
regard to the ufe of Britim manufactures, that his 
fortune entitles him to; may not his example 
(from the imitation of fuperiors, fo natural to 
mankind) fpread the ufe of thofe manufactures 
among hundreds of families around him; and oc- 
cafion a much greater demand for them, than it 
would do if he mould remove and live in London ? 
However this may be, if in our views of im 
mediate advantage, it feems preferable that the 
gentlemen of large fortunes in North America 
mould relide much in England ; it is what may 
furely be expected, as faft as fuch fortunes are ac 
quired there. Their having " colleges of their 
" own for the education of their youth," will 
not prevent it : A little knowledge and learning 
acquired, increafes the appetite for more, and 
will make the converfation of the learned on this 
fide the water more flrongly defired. Ireland has 
its univerfity likewife; yet this does not prevent 
the immenfe pecuniary benefit we receive from 
that kingdom. And there will always be in the 
conveniencies of life, the politenefs, the pleafures, 
the magnificence of the reigning country, many 
other attractions befides thofe of learning, to draw 
men of fubflance there, where they can, (appa 
rently at leaft) have the beft bargain of happi- 
nefs for their money. 

Our trade to the Weft India ijlands is undoubt 
edly a valuable one : but whatever is the amount 

B b o 


of it, it has long been at aftand. Limited as our 
fugar planters are by the fcantinefs of territory, 
they cannot increafe much beyond their prefent 
number; and this is an evil, as I fhall mow here 
after, that will be little helped by our keeping 
Guadaloupe. The trade to our Northern Colo 
nies, is not only greater, but yearly increafing 
with the increafe of people : and even in a greater 
proportion, as the people increafe in wealth and 
the ability of fpending, as well as in numbers *. 

* The writer has [fince] obtained accounts of the exports to North 
America, and the Weft India, I/lands; by which it appears, that there 
has been fome increafe of trade to thofe Iflands as well as to North 
America, though in a much lefs degree. The following extraft from 
thefe accounts will fhow the reader at one view the amount of the 
exports to each, in two different terms of five years; the terms taken 
at ten years diftance from each other, to fhow the increafe, viz. 

FirftTerm, from 174410 1748, inclusive. 
Northern Colonies. Weft India I/lands. 

1744 -640,114 12 4 -79 6 > llz 17 9 

1745 5343i6 2 5 503.669 19 9 

1746 754.945 4 3 472.994 '9 7 

1747 726,648 5 5 856,463 1 8 6 

1748 -830,243 1 6 9 734.095 *5 3 

Total, . 3,486,268 i 2 < Tot. .3,363, 337 10 10 

Difference, 122,930 10 4 



. 3,4 8 6>68 i 2 
Second Term, from 175410 1758, inclufive. 

Northern Colonies. Weft India IJlandt* 

,246,615 in ' 685,675 3 o 

77,848 6 10 694,667 13 3 

,428,720 18 10 733,45 8 16 3 

,727,924 2 10 776,488 o 6 

,832,948 13 10 877,571 19 ii 

Total, . 7,414,057 4 3 Tot. .3,767,841 1211 

Difference 3,646,215 n 4 

- 7.4H,057 4 3 

f A : B. T.] tte Colonies ufeful to G. Britain. 1 87 

L ^r 

- I have already faid, that our people in the Nor 
thern Colonies double in about 25 years, exclufive* 


In the firft term, total of Weft India iflands, 3,363,337 10 10 
In the fecond term, ditto, - -* - 3,767,841 12 n 

Increafe, only . 0,404,504 z i 

In the firft term, total for northern Colonies, 3,486,268 i 2 
In the fecond term, ditto, ----- 7,414,057 4 3 

Increafe, . 3,927,789 3 i 

By thefe accounts it appears, that the exports to the Weft India 
iflands, and to the northern colonies, were in the firft term nearly 
equal; (the difference being only 122,936!. los. 4d.) and in the 
fecond term, the exports to thofe iflands had only increafed 
404,504!. 2s. id. Whereas the increafe to the northern colo 
nies is 3,927,789!. 35. id. almoft/oar millions. 

Some part of this increafed demand for Englifh goods, may be 
afcribed to the armies and fleets we have had both in North Ame 
rica and the Weft Indies ; not fb much for what is confumed by 
the foldiery ; their clothing, (lores, ammunition, &c. fent from 
hence on account of the government, being (as is fuppofed) not 
included in thefe accounts of merchandize exported ; but, as the 
war has occasioned a great plenty of money in America, many of 
the inhabitants have increafed their expence. 

N. B. Thefe accounts do not include any exports from Scot 
land to America, which are doubtlefs proportionally considerable ; 
nor the exports from Ireland. 

[I fhall carry on this calculation where Dr, Franklin left it. 
For four years, from 1770 to 1773 inclufively, the fame average 
annual exports to the fame ports of the Weft Indies, is 994,463!. j 
and to the fame ports of the North American plantations 
2,919,669!. But the annual averages of the firft and fecond terms 
of the former, were 672,668!, and 75 3, 568!: of the latter, 697,254!. 
and 1,482,811 1. 

In ten years therefore (taking the middle years of the terms) the 
North American trade is found to have doubled the Weft Indian ; 
in the next fixteen years it becomes greater by three -fold. With 
refpeft to itfelf, the North American trade in 32 years (taking the 
extremes of the terms) has quadrupled ; while the Weft Indian 
trade increafed only one half; of which increafe I apprehend Ja- 

B b 2 


. > 
of the acceffion of flrangers. That I fpeak with-- 

in bounds, I appeal to the authentic accounts fre 
quently required by the board of trade, and tranf- 
mitted to that board by the refpeclive governors ; 
of which accounts Ijftiall felecl: one as a fample, 
being that from the colony of Rhode-Ifland * ; a 
colony that of all the others receives the leaft ad 
dition from flrangers. For the increafe of our 
trade to thofe colonies, -I refer to the accounts fre 
quently laid before Parliament, by the officers of 
the cufloms; and to the cuflom-houfe books : 
from which I have alfo felected one account, that 

maica has given more than f, chiefly in confequence of the quiet 
produced by the peace with the maroon negroes. -'-Had the Weft 
Indian trade continued ftationary, the North American trade would 
have quadrupled with refpeft to it, in 26 years : and this, not- 
withftanding the checks given to the latter, by their non-importa 
tion agreements and the encouragement of their own manufactures. 

There has been an acceffion to both thefe trades, produced by 
the ceffions at the treaty of Paris ; not touched upon by Dr. Frank 
lin. The average annual export-trade, from 1770 to 1773 inclu- 
fively, to the ceded Weft India iflands, amounted to 258,299!: to 
the ceded North American territory it has been 280,423!. See 
Sir Charles Whitworth's State of Trade. E.] 

* Copy of the Report of Governor Hopkins to the Board of Trade, on 
the Numbers of People in Rhode-ljland. 

In obedience to your lordfliips' commands, I have caufed the 
within account to be taken by officers under oath. By it there appears 
to be in this colony at this time 35,939 white perfons, and 4697, 
blacks, chiefly negroes. 

In the year 1730, by order of the then lords commiffioners of trade 
and plantations, an account was taken of the number of people in 
this colony, and then there appeared to be 15,302 white perfons, 
and 2633 blacks. 

Again in the year 1748, by like order, an account was taken of 
the number of people in this colony, by which it appears there 
were at that time 29,755 white perfons, and 4373 blacks. 

Colony of Rhode IJland, Dec. 24, 1755. STEPHEN HOPKINS. 

3 of 

[A : B. T.] The Colonies ufeful to G. 'Britain. 1 89 

of the trade from England (exclufive of Scotland) 
to Penfylvania -f- 3 a colony moft remarkable for 
the plain frugal manner of living of its inhabitants, 
and the moil fufpected of carrying on manufac 
tures, on account of the number of German arti- 
zans, who are known to have tranfpl anted them- 
felves into that country -, though even thefe, in 
truth, when they come there, generally apply 
themfelves to agriculture, as the fureft fupport and 
moft advantageous employment. By this account 
it appears, that the exports to that province have 
in 28 years, increafed nearly in the proportion of 
17 to i ; whereas the people themfelves, who by 
other authentic accounts appear to double their 
numbers (the ftrangers who fettle there included) 
in about 1 6 years, cannot in the 28 years have in 
creafed in a greater proportion than as 4 to i. 
The additional demand then, and confumption of 
goods from England, of 13 parts in 17 more than 
the additional number would require, muft be 

f An Account of the Value of the Exports from England to Penjyl- 
Jylvauia, in one Year, taken at different Periods, viz. 

In 1723 they amounted only to - - . 15,992 
1730 they were - .... 48,592 
1737 56,690 

75 2 95 






*747 --------- 82,404 

1752 ---._.... 201,666 

1757 --- - 268,426 

N. B. The accounts for 1758 and 1759, are not yet compleated ; 
but thofe acquainted with the North American trade, know, 
that the increafe in thofe two years, has been in a ftill greater 
proportion ; the laft year being fuppofed to exceed any former 
year by a third ; and this owing to the increafed ability of the 
people to fpend, from the greater quantities of money circu 
lating among them by the war. 



owing to this; that the people having by their in- 
duftry mended their circumftances, are enabled to 
Indulge themfelves in finer clothes, better furni 
ture, and a more general ufe of all our manufac 
tures than heretofore. 

In fad:, the occafion forEnglim goods in North 
America, and the inclination to have and ufe 
them, is, and muft be for ages to come, much 
greater than the ability of the people to pay for 
them ; they muft therefore, as they now do, deny 
themfelves many things they wouldotherwife chufe 
to have, or increafe their induftry to obtain them. 
And thus, if they mould at any time manufac 
ture fome coarfe article, which on account of 
its bulk or fome other circumftance, cannot fo 
well be brought to them from Britain ; it only 
enables them the better to pay for finer goods, 
that otberwife they could not indulge themfelves 
in : So that the exports thither are not diminished 
by fuch manufacture, but rather increafed. The 
fingle article of manufacture in thefe colonies men 
tioned by theRemarker, is /te.f made in New-Eng 
land. It is true there have been, ever fince the 
firft fettlement of that country, a few hatters 
there ; drawn thither probably at firft by the faci 
lity of getting beaver^ while -the woods were but 
little cleared, and there was plenty of thofe animals. 
The cafe is greatly altered now. The beaver 
fkins are not now to be had in New-England, 
but from very remote places and at great prices. 
The trade is accordingly declining there; fo that, 
far from being able to make hats in any quantity 


[A: B.T.] Colonies not dangerous to G. Britain. 191 

for exportation, they cannot fupply their home 
demand ; and it is well known that fome thoufand 
dozens are fent thither yearly from London, Brif- 
tol, and Liverpool ; and fold there cheaper than 
the inhabitants can make them of equal goodnefs. 
In fact, the colonies are fo little fuited for efta- 
bliming of manufactures, that they are continually 
lofing the few branches they accidentally gain. 
The working brafiers, cutlers, and pewterers, 
as well as hatters, who have happened to go over 
from time to time and fettle in the colonies -, gra 
dually drop the working part of their bufinefs, 
and import their refpective goods from England, 
whence they can have them cheaper and better 
than they can make them. They continue their 
fhops indeed, in the fame way of dealing; but be 
come^//*? of brafiery, cutlery, pewter, hats, &c. 
brought from England, inflead of being makers of 
thofe goods. 

5. \jhe American colonies not dangerous in their 
nature to Great Britain.] 

Thus much as to the apprehenfion of our colo 
nies becoming ufelefs to us. I mall next confider 
the other fuppofi tion, that their growth may ren 
der them dangerous. Of this, I own, 'I have not 
the leaft conception, when I confider that we have 
already fourteen fepar ate governments on the ma 
ritime coaft of the continent; and if we extend our 
fettlements, (hall probably have as many more be 
hind themon the inland fide. Thofe we now have, 
are not only under different governors, but have 



different forms of government, different laws, dif 
ferent interefts, and fome of them different reli 
gious perfuafions and different manners. Their 
jealoufy of each other is fo great, that however 
neceffary an union of the colonies has long been, 
for their common defence and fecurity againft 
their enemies, and how fenfible foever each colony 
has been of that neceflity ; yet they have never 
been able to effect fuch an union among themfelves ; 
nor even to agree in requefting the mother coun 
try to eftablifh it for them. Nothing but the im 
mediate command of the crown has been able to 
produce even the imperfect union, but lately feen 
there, of the forces of fome colonies . If they could 
not agree to unite for their defence againft the 
French and Indians, who were perpetually ha- 
raffing their fettlements, burning their villages, 
and murdering their people ; can it reafonably 
be fuppofed there is any danger of their uniting 
againft their own nation, which protects and en 
courages them, with which they have fo many 
connections and ties of blood, intereft and affec 
tion, and which, it is well known, they all love 
much more than they love one another ? 

In fhort, there are fo many caufes that muft 
operate to prevent it, that I will venture to fay, 
an union amongft them for fuch a purpofe, is not 
merely improbable ; it is impoilible. And if the 
union of the whole is impoflible, the attempt of a 
part muft be madnefs ; as thofe colonies that did 
not join the rebellion, would join the mother 
country in fuppreffing it. When I fay fuch an 


[A: B.T.] Colonies not dangerous toG. Britain. 193 

union is impoffible, I mean, without the moft 
grievous tyranny and oppreffion. People who 
have property in a country which they may lofe, 
and privileges which they may endanger, are ge 
nerally difpofed to be quiet ; and even to bear 
much, rather than hazard all. While the go 
vernment is mild and juft, while important civil 
and religious rights are fecure, fuch fubjects will 
be dutiful and obedient. The waves do not rife 
but when the winds blow. 

What fuch an adminiftration as the Duke of 
Alva's in the Netherlands, might produce, I know 
not ; but this I think I have a right to deem im 
poffible. And yet there were two very manifefl 
differences between that cafe, and ours -, and both 
are in our favour. The^r/?, that Spain had al 
ready united the feventeen provinces under one 
vifible government, though the ftates continued 
independent : Thefecond, that the inhabitants of 
thofe provinces were of a nation, not only different 
from, but utterly unlike the Spaniards. Had the 
Netherlands been peopled from Spain, the worfl 
of oppreffion had probably not provoked them to 
wifh a feparation of government. It might, and 
probably would have ruined the country j but 
would never have produced an independent fove- 
reignty. In fact, neither the very woift of go 
vernments, the worft of politics in the laft cen 
tury j nor the total abolition of their remaining 
liberty, in th$ provinces of Spain it/elf, in the pre- 
fent; have produced any independency [in Spain] 
that could be fupported. The fame may be obferv- 
cd of France. C c And 


And let it not be faid that the neighbourhood 
of thefe to the feat 'of government has prevented 
a feparation. While our ftrength at fea continues, 
the banks of the Ohio, (in point of eafy and ex 
peditious conveyance of troops) are nearer to 
London, than the remote parts of France and 
Spain to their refpective capitals; and much nearer 
than Connaught and Ulfter were in the days of 
Queen Elizabeth. No body foretels the diflb- 
lution of the Ruffian monarchy from its extent ; 
yet I will venture to fay, the eaflern parts of it are 
already much more inacceffible fromPeterfburgh, 
than the country on the Miffiffippi is from Lon 
don ', I mean more men, in lefs time, might be 
conveyed the latter than the former diftance. The 
rivers Oby, Jenefea and Lena, do not facilitate the 
communication half fo well by their courfe, nor 
are they half fo practicable, as the American rivers. 
To this I mall only add the obfervation of Ma- 
chiavel, in his Prince; that a government feldom 
long preferves its dominion over thofe who are fo 
reigners to it ; who, on the other hand, fall with 
great eafe, and continue infeparably annexed to 
the government of their own nation : which he 
proves by the fate, of the Englifh conquefts in 
France. Yet with all thefe difad vantages, fo dif 
ficult is it to overturn an eftablifhed government, 
that it was not without the affiftance of France and 
England, that the United Provinces fupported 
themfelves : which teaches us, that 

6. [Me 

[ A : B. T.] 'The French dangerous In Canada. 195 

6. ['The French remaining in Canada, an encou 
ragement to difaffections in the Britijh Colo 
nies. If they prove a check, that check of 

the moft barbarous nature.] 

If the vifionary danger of independence in our co- 
ionies is to be feared; nothing is more likely to render 
it fubjlantial, than the neighbourhood of foreigners 
at enmity ivith the f over eign government, capable of 
giving either aid J or an aiylum, as the event ft all 
require. Yet againft even thefe difadvantages, did 
Spain preferve almoft ten provinces, merely thro' 
their want of union ; which indeed could never 

J [The aid Dr. Franklin alludes to, muft probably have confided 
in early and full fupplies of arms, officers, intelligence, and trade 
of export and of import, through the river St. Lawrence, on rifques 
both public and private ; in the encouragement of fplendid promifes 
and a great ally; in the pafTage from Canada to the back fettle - 
ments, being_/&/ to the Eritijb forces ; in the quiet of the great body 
of Indians; in the fupport of emiflaries and difcontented citizens ; 
in loans and fubfidies to congrefs, in y/ays profitable to France ; in a 
refuge to be granted them in cafe of defeat, in vacant lands, as fet- 
tlers ; in the probability of war commencing earlier between England 
and France, at the gulph of St. Lawrence, (when the {hipping taken, 
%vere rightfully addreffed to Frenchmen,) than in the prelent cafe. 
All this might have happened, as foon as America's diftafte of the 
fovereign, had exceeded the fear of the foreigner ; a circumllance 
frequently feen poflible in hiilory, and which our minifters took 
care fliould not be wanting. 

This explanation would have required apology for its infertion ; 
were not the opinion pretty common in England, that bad .not tic 
French been removed from Canada , the revolt of America never would 
/save taken place. Why then were the French not left in Canada, at 
the peace of 1763 ? Or, fmce they were not left there, why was the 
American difpute begun ? Yet in one fenfe perhaps this opinion is 
true ; for had the French been left in Canada, minifters would not 
only have fooner felt, but foonsr have" feen, die Itrange fatality of 
their plans. E.j 

C c 2 have 


have taken place among the others, but for caufes, 
fome of which are in our cafe impoffible, and 
others it is impious to fuppofe poflible. 

The Romans well underflood that policy, which 
teaches the fecurity anting to the chief government 
from feparate flates among the governed; when 
they reftored the liberties of the flates of Greece, 
(opprerled but united under Macedon) by an edict, 
that every '/late mould live under its own laws *. 
They did not even name a governor. Indepen 
dence of each other, and feparate interefls, (though 
among a people united by common manners, lan 
guage, and I may fay religion ; inferior neither in 
Vv'ifdurn, bravery, nor their love of liberty, to the 
Romans themfelves j) was all the fecurity the 
fovereigns wifhed for their fovereignty. It is tr ue, 
they did not call themfelves foyereigns ; they fet 
no value on the title ; they were contented with 
po'fleffing the thing. And poliefs it they did, even 
without a. {landing army :- (what can be a 
ilronger proof of the fecurity of their poiTeffion ?) 
And yet by a policy iimilar to this throughout, 
was the Roman world fubdued and held : a world 
compofed of above an hundred languages and fets 
of manners, different from thofe of their mailers J. 


* [ " All the Greek ftates, whether in Europe or Afia, had their 
" liberty and their own laws, &c." E.] Livy, book 33. c. 30. 

J When tke Romans had fubdued Macedon and Illyricum, they- 
were both formed into republics by a decree of the fenate ; and Ma 
cedon was thought fafe from the danger of a revolution, by being 
divided, into a divifion common among the Romans, as we learn 
from the accounts of the tctrarchs in fcripture. [" In the firft inftance,. 
" it was their pleafure that the Macedonians and Illyrians fhould be 

" free; 

[ A : B . T . ] jT&? French dangerous in Canada. 197 

Yet this dominion was unftiakeable, till the lofs 
of liberty and corruption of manners in the fove- 
reign flate, overturned it. 

But what is the prudent policy inculcated by the 
Remarker, to obtain this end, fecurity of dominion, 
over our colonies ? It is, to leave the French in 
Canada, to " check" their growth -, for otberwtfe 
cur people may " increafe infinitely from allcaufes *." 
We have already feen in what manner the French 
and their Indians check the growth of our colonies. 
It is a modeft word, this, check, for maflacring 
men, women and children. The writer would, 
if he could,- hide from himfelf as well as from the 
public, the horror arifing from fuch a propofal, 
by couching it in general terms : 'tis no wonder 
he thought it a " fubject not fit for difcuffion " in 
his letter; though he recommends it as " a point 
" that mould be the conftant object of the minif- 
" ter's attention !" But if Canada is reftored on 

" free; that it might be clear to all nations, that the arms of the Roman 

'* people did not bring flavery upon the free, but on the contrary, 

" freedom to thofe who wereenflaved. Nations in a ftate of liberty, 

were to feel that liberty, fafe and perpetual under the patronage 

of the people of Rome : Thofe that lived under kings, were 

to find their kings milder and jufter at the inftant, out of refpeft 

to the Roman people; and if war mould at any time take place 

between the Roman people and their kings, they were to believe 

that it mufl end in victory to the Romans and liberty to them- 

felves, It was their pleafure alfo that Macedon mould be divided 

into four dijirifts, and each have a feparate council of its own : 

and that it mould pay to the Roman people only half the tribute, 

it had been ufed to pay to their kings. Their determinations 

were of the fame temper refpec~ting///yr/#z." E.J Livy, book 43, 

c. 18. 

* Remarks, p. 50, 51. 



this principle j will not Britain be guilty of all the 
blood to be fhed, all the murders to be committed, 
in order to check this d-readed growth of our own 
people ? Will not this be telling the French in 
plain terms, that the horrid barbarities they per 
petrate with their Indians on our colonifts, are 
agreeable to us -, and that they need not apprehend 
the refentment of a government, with whofe views 
they fo happily concur ? Will not the colonies 
view it in this light ? Will they have reafon to 
confider themfelves any longer as fubjects and 
children j when they find their cruel enemies hal- 
loo'd upon them by the country from whence they 
fprung ; the government that owes them protec 
tion, as it requires their obedience ? Is not this 
the moft likely means of driving them into the 
arms of the French, who can invite them by an 
offer of that fecurity, their own government chufes 
not to afford them ? I would not be thought to 
Infinuate that the Remarker wants humanity. I 
know how little many good-natured perfons are 
affected by the diftrefles of people at a diftance, and 
whom they do not know. There are even thofe, 
who, being prefent, can fympathize iincerely with 
the grief of a lady on the fudden death of a favou 
rite bird ; and yet can read of the linking of a city 
in Syria with very little concern. If it be, after 
all, thought neceflary to check the growth of our 
colonies j give me leave to propofe a method lefs 
cruel. It is a method of which we have an example 
in fcripture. The murder of hufbands, of wives, 
of brothers, fillers, and children, whofe pleafing 


[A: B.T.] tfhe French dangerous in Canada. 199 

fociety has been for fome time enjoyed, affefts 
deeply the refpective furviving relations : but grief 
for the death of a child ju ft born is (hort, and eafily 
fupported. The method I mean is that which 
was dictated by the Egyptian policy, when the 
** infinite increafe " of the children of Ifrael was 
apprehended as dangerous to the ftate *. Let an 
act of parliament then be made, enjoining the co 
lony midwives to ftifle in the birth every third or 
fourth child. By this means you may keep the co 
lonies to their prefent fize. And if they were un 
der the hard alternative of fubmitting to one or 
the other of thefe fchemes for checking their 
growth, I dare anfwer for them, they would pre 
fer the latter. 

But all this debate about the propriety or Impro 
priety of keeping or rejloring Canada, is .poflibly 
too early. We have taken the capital indeed, 
but the country is yet far from being in our pof- 
feflion ; and perhaps never will be : for if our 

M rs are perfuaded by fuch counfellors as the 

Remarker, that the French there are " not the 
" worft of neighbours;" and that if we had con 
quered Canada, we ought for our own fakes to re- 
flore it, as a check to the growth of our colonies ; 
I am then afraid we ihall never take it. For there 

* And Pharoah faicl unto his people, behold the people of the 
children of Ifrael are more and mightier than we ; come on, let us 
deal wifely with them ; left they multiply ; and it come to pafs that 
when there falleth out any war, they join alfo unto our enemies 
and fight againft us, and fo get them up out of the land. And the 
king fpake to the Hebrew midwives, &c. Exodus, chap, i, 


200 Canada eafily peopled. 

are many ways of avoiding the completion of the 
conqueft, that will be lefs exceptionable and lefs 
odious than the giving it up. 

7. [ Canada eajily peopled, without draining 
Great Britain of any of its inhabitants^ 

objection I have often heard, that if we had 
Canada, we could not people it, without draining 
Britain of its inhabitants - 3 is founded on ignorance 
of the nature of population in new countries. When 
we firft began to colonize in America, it was ne- 
ceflary to fend people, and to fend feed-corn -, but 
it is not now neceffary that we fhould furnifh, for 
a new colony, either one or the other. The 
annual increment alone of our prefent colonies, 
without diminifhing their numbers, or requiring 
a man from hence j is fufficient in ten years to 
fill Canada with double the number of Englifh 
that it now has of French inhabitants *. Thofc 
who are proteftants among the French, will pro 
bably choofe to remain under the Englifh govern 
ment; many will choofe to remove, if they can be 
allowed to fell their lands, improvements and ef 
fects : the reft in that thin-fettled country, will in 
lefs than half a century, from the crowds of 
Englifh fettling round and among them, be 
blended and incorporated with our people both 
in language and manners. 

* In faft, there has not gone from Britain [itfelf ] to our colonies 
thefe 20 years pail, to fettle there, fo many as 10 families a year ; 
the new fettlers are either the offspring of the old, or emigrants from 
Germany, or the north of Ireland. [N. B. Written in. 1760 or 
1761. E.I 

8. [Me 

[A: B.T.] Guadaloupe overvalued. 

8. [T'be merits of Guadaloupe to Great Britain 
over-valued ; yet likely to be paid much dearer 
for, than Canada.^ 

In Guadaloupe the cafe is fomewhat different ;- 
and though I am far from thinking J we have 
fugar-land enough -f-, I cannot think Guadaloupe 
is fo defirable an increafe of it, as other objedts 
the enemy would probably be infinitely more 
ready to part with., A, country fully inhabited by 
any nation,, is no proper pofleffion for another of 
different language, manners and religion. It is 
hardly ever tenable at lefs expence than it is worth. 
But the ifle of Cayenne, and its appendix, Equi- 
noffiial-F ranee, having but very few inhabitants., 
and thefe therefore eafily removed -, would indeed 
be an acquifition every way fuitable to our fitua- 
tion and defire^s. This would hold all that migrate 
from Barbadoes, the LeewardJflands, or Jamaica. 
It would certainly recall into an Englifli govern 
ment (in which there would be room for millions) 
all who have before fettled or purchafed in Marti- 
nico, Guadaloupe, Santa-Cruz or St. John's; ex 
cept fuch as know not the value. of an Englifli go- 

t Remarks, p. 30, 34. 

f It is often faid we have plenty of fugar-land flill unemployed 
in Jamaica : but thofe who are well acquainted with that ifland, 
know, that the remaining vacant land in it is generally fituated 
among mountains, rocks and gullies, that make carriage imprac 
ticable, fo that no profitable ufe can be made of it ; unleis the price 
of fugars fhould fo greatly increafe, as to enable the planter to make 
very expenfive roads, by blowing up rocks, erecting bridges, Sec. every 
2. or 300 yards. [Our author was fomewhat mifinformed here. E.] 

D d vernment, 


vcrnment, and fuch I am fure are not worth recal 

But mould we keep Guadaloupe, we are told it 
would enable us to export 300,000 /. in fugars. 
Admit it to be true, though perhaps the amazing 
increafe of Englifhconfumption might flop moil of 
it here, to whofe profit is this to redound ? To 
the profit of the French inhabitants of the ifland : 
except a fmall part that mould fall to the mare of 
theEnglifh purchafers, but whofe whole purchafe- 
money muft firfl be added to the wealth and circu 
lation of France. I grant, however, much of this 
300,000 /. would be expended in Britim manu 
factures. Perhaps, too, a few of the land-owners 
of Guadaloupe might dwell and fpend their for 
tunes in Britain, (though probably much fewer 
than of the inhabitants of North America.) I 
admit the advantage arising to us from thefe cir- 
cumftances, (as far as they go) in the cafe of 
Guadaloupe, as well as in that of our other Weft 
India fettlements. Yet even this consumption is 
little better than that of an allied nation would be, 
who mould take our manufactures and fupply 
us with fugar, and put us to no great expence in 
defending the place of growth. But, though 
our own colonies expend among us almoft the 
whole produce of our fugar*, can we or ought we 
to promife ourfelves this will be the cafe of Gua 
daloupe ? One 1 00,000 /. will fupply them with 
Britim manufactures \ and fuppofing we can 
effectually prevent the introduction of thofe of 

* Remarks, p. 47, 


[A: B.T.] Guadaloupe overvalued. 203 

France, (which is morally impoffible in a country 
ufed to them) the other 200,000 1. will ilill be 
fpent in France, in the education of their children 
and fupport of themfelves ; or elfe be laid up there, 
where they will always think their home to be. 

Befides this confumption of Britifh manufac 
tures, much is faid of the benefit we Jh all have from 
the fituation of Guadaloupe ; and we are told of 
a trade to the Caraccas and Spanifh Main. In 
what refpect Guadaloupe is better fituated for this 
trade than Jamaica, or even any of our other 
iflands, I am at a lofs to guefs. I believe it to be 
not fo well iituated for that of the windward coaft, 
as Tobago and St. Lucia; which in this, as well 
as other refpects, would be more valuable pof- 
feffions, and which, I doubt not, the peace will 
fecure to us. Nor is it nearly fo well fituated for 
that of the reft of the Spanifli Main as Jamaica. 
As to the greater fafety of our trade by the pof- 
feffion of Guadaloupe j experience has convinced 
us, that in reducing a fingle ifland, or even more,, 
we flop the privateering bufinefs but little. Pri 
vateers ftill fubfift, in equal if not greater numbers, 
and carry the veflels into Martinico, which before 
it was more convenient to carry into Guadaloupe.. 
Had we all the Caribbees, it is true, they would 
in thofe parts be without melter. 

Yet upon the whole I fuppofe it to be a doubt 
ful point, and well worth eonlideration^ whether 
our obtaining polTeffion of all the Caribbees,, would 
be more than a temporary benefit ; as it would 
neceflarily foon fill the French part of Hifpaniola 

D d 2, with* 

204 CANADA P A,M P H L E T. 

with French inhabitants -, and thereby render it 
five times more valuable in time of peace, and lit 
tle lefs than impregnable in time of war; and 
would probably end in a few years in the uniting 
the whole of that great and fertile ifland under a 
French government. It is agreed on all hands, 
that our conqueft of St. Chriftopher's, and driv^- 
ing the French from thence, firft furnifhed Hif- 
paniola with fkilful and fubftantial planters, and 
was confequently the firft occafion of its prefent 
opulence. On the other hand, I will hazard an 
opinion, that valuable as the French porTeffions 
in the Weft Indies are, and undeniable the advan 
tages they derive from them, there is fomewhat 
to be weighed in the oppofite fcale. They can 
not at prefent make war with England, without 
expofing thofe advantages, while divided among 
-the numerous iflands they now have, much more 
than they would, were they poflerled of St. Do 
mingo only; their own fliare of which would, 
if well cultivated, grow more fugar, than is now 
grown in all their Weft India iilandsl 

/ have before faid I do not deny the utility of the 
conqueft, or even of our future pojj'efjion of Guada- 
hupe> if not bought too dear. The trade of the 
Weft Indies is one of our moft valuable trades. 
Our poffeffions there deferve our greateft care and 
.attention. So do thofe of North America. I mall 
not enter into the invidious tafk of comparing 
their due eftimation. It would be a very long and 
a very difagreeable one, to run through every thing 
material on this head. It is enough to our pre- 


[A: B.T.] Guadaloufe overvalued. 205 

fent point, if I have mown, that the value of 
North America is capable of an immenfe increafe, 
by an acquiiition and meafures, that muft necef- 
farily have an effect the direct contrary of what 
we have been induftrioufly taught to fear ; and 
that Guadaloupe is, in point of advantage, but a 
very fmall addition to our Weft India pofleffions ^ 
rendered many ways lefs valuable to us, than it is 
to the French; who will probably fet more value 
upon it, than upon a country [Canada] that is 
much more valuable to us than to them. 

There is a great deal more to be faid on all the 
parts of thefe fubjecls ; but as it would carry me 
into a detail that I fear, would tire the patience of 
my readers, and which I am not without appre- 
henfions I have done already ; I mall referve what 
remains till I dare venture again on the indulgence 
of the public. 

D d 7 Remarks- 

206 Remarks and Fatts relative to 

Remarks and Faffs relative to the American 
Paper -money *. 

N the REPORT of the BOARD of TRADE, 
dated Feb. 9, 1764, the following Reafons 
are given for rejiraining the emijjion of paper-bills 
of credit in America, as a legal tender* 

1 . " That i t carries the gold andjilver out of the 
<" province, and fo ruins the country > as experi- 
" ence has Jbewn, in every colony where it has 
" been pracliied in any great degree. 

2. " That the merchants trading to America 
" have fuffered and loft by it. 

3. " That the redaction [of it] has had a be- 
*' nejicial eff'cSl in New-England. 

4. " That every medium of trade ftould have an 
*' intrinjic value, which paper -money has not. 
*' Gold and filver are therefore the fitteft for this 
" medium, as they are an equivalent; which 
" paper never can be. 

* [The beft account I can give of the occaiion of the Report, to 
which this paper is a reply, is as follows. During the war there had 
been a confiderable and unufual trade to America, in confequenceof 
the great fleets and armies on foot there, and the clandeftine dealings 
with the enemy, who were cut off from their own fupplies. This 
made great debts. The brifknefs of the trade ceafing with the war, 
the merchants were anxious for payment; which occalioned fome 
confufion in the colonies, and ttirred up a clamour here againftjpd^/r- 
ZBO<.'V.. The board of trade, of which lord Hilfborough was the chief, 
joined in this oppofition to paper-money, as appears by the report. 
Dr. Franklin being afked to draw up an anfwer to their report, 
wrote the paper given above. E.] 

5. " That 

[A: B.T.] the American Paper-money. 207 

5. " That debtors in the aflemblies make 
*' paper-money with fraudulent views. 

6. " That in the middle colonies, where the 
" credit of the paper-money has been beft fup- 
*' ported, the bills have never kept to their nominal 
" value in circulation ; but have conftantly de- 
c< preciated to a certain degree, whenever the 
* c quantity has been increafed." 

To confider thefe Reafons in their order j the 
firfl is. 

i. * e hat paper-money carries the gold and 
iilver out of the province, andfo ruins the country ; 
as experience has fhewn, in every colony where it 
has been praffifed in any great degree. 1 ' This opi 
nion, of its ruining the country, feems to be merely 
Ipeculative, or not otherwife founded than upon 
mifinformation in the matter of fad:. The truth 
is, that the balance of their trade with Britain 
being greatly againft them, the gold and iilver is 
drawn out to pay that balance ; and then the ne- 
cefTity of fome medium of trade has induced the 
making of paper-money, which could not be car 
ried away. Thus, if carrying out all the gold 
and filver ruins a country, every colony was ruined 
before it made paper-money. But, far from be 
ing ruined by it, the colonies that have made ufe 
of paper-money, have been, and are all, in a 
thriving condition. The debt indeed to Britain has 
increafed, becaufe their numbers, and of courfe 
their trade, have increafed ; for all trade having 
always a proportion of debt outftanding, which 


0-8 Remarks and Faffs, relative to 

is paid in its turn, while frem ^debt is contracted, 
the proportion of debt naturally increases . as the 
trade increafes ; but the improvement and in- 
creafe of eflates in the colonies has been in a 
greater proportion than their debt. NewEtigland, 
particularly, in 1696, (about the time they be<- 
gan the ufe of paper-money,) had in all its four 
provinces but 130 churches or congregations; 
in. 1760 they were 530. The number of farms 
and buildings there, is increafed in proportion to 
the numbers of people ; and the goods exported 
to them from England in 1750, before the re 
paint took place, were near five times as much 
as before they had paper- money. \-PenJylvQnia> 
before it made any paper -money, was totally 
jftript of its gold and filver; though they had from 
time to time, like the neighbouring colonies, 
agreed to take gold and filver. coins at higher and 
higher nominal values,, in hopes of drawing mo 
ney into, and retaining it, for the internal ufes 
of the province. During that weak practice, 
filver got up by degrees to 8s. 96. per ounce, 
and Englifh crowns were called fix, feven, and 
eight milling pieces; long before paper-money 
was made. But this practice of increafing the 
denomination, was found not to anfwer the end. 
The balance of trade carried out the gold and: 
filyer as- fart as it was brought in 5 the merchants 
raifing the price of their goods in proportion to 
the increafed denomination of the money. The 
difficulties for want of cam were accordingly very 
great, the chief part of the trade being carried 


[A: B.T.] the American Paper-money. 209 

on by the extremely inconvenient method of bar 
ter -, When in 1723 paper-money was firft made 
there; which gave new life to bufmefs, promoted 
greatly the fettlement of new lands, (by lending 
fmall fums to beginners on eafy intereft, to be 
repaid by inftalments,) whereby the province has 
fo greatly increafed in inhabitants, that the ex 
port from hence thither is now more than tenfold 
what it then was ; and by their trade with foreign 
colonies, they have been able to obtain great 
quantities of gold and filver to remit hither in re 
turn for the manufactures of this country. New 
York and New *Jerfey have alfo increafed greatly 
during the fame period, with the ufe of paper- 
money ; fo that it does not appear to be of the 
ruinous nature afcribed to it. And if the inha 
bitants of thofe countries are glad to have the ufe 
of paper among themfelves, that they may there 
by be enabled to fpare for remittances hither, the 
gold and filver they obtain by their commerce 
with foreigners ; one would expect that no ob 
jection again ft their parting with it could arife 
here, in the country that receives it. 

The ad reafon is, {S 'That the merchants trading 
to America have fuffered and loll by the paper-mo 
ney " This may have been the cafe in particular 
inftances, at particular times and places : As in 
South Carolina, aboul^S years fince^ when the co 
lony was thought in danger of being deftroyed by 
the Indians and Spaniards; and the Britim mer 
chants, in fear of lofing their whole effects there, 
called-precipitately for remittances y and the inha- 

E e bitants, ; 

2 1 o Remarks and Faffs relative to 

bitants, to get fomething lodged in fafe countries, 
gave anyprice in paper- money for billsof exchange; 
whereby the paper, as compared with bills, or with 
produce, or other effects fit for exportation, was 
fuddenly and greatly depreciated. The unfettled 
flate of government for a long time in that province 
had alfo its mare in depreciating its bills. But fmce 
that danger blew over, and the colony has been 
in the hands of the crown - y their currency became 
fixed, and has fo remained to this day. Alfo in 
New England, when much greater quantities were 
ifTued than were neceffary for a medium of trade, 
to defray the expedition againft Louiibourg ; and, 
during the laft war in Virginia and North Carolina, 
when great fums were iffued to pay the colony 
troops, and the war made tobacco a poorer re 
mittance, from the higher price of freight and 
infurance : in thefe cafes, the merchants trading 
to thole colonies may fometimes have fuffered by 
the fudden and unforefeen rife of exchange. By 
flow and gradual rifes, they feldom fuffer ; the 
goods being fold at proportionable prices. But 
war is a common calamity in all countries, and 
the merchants that deal with them cannot expect 
to avoid a mare of the lofTes it fometimes occafions, 
by affecting public credit. It is hoped, however, 
that the profits of their fubfequent commerce 
with thofe colonies, may hfe made them fome 
reparation. And the merchants trading to the 
Middle Colonies, (New York, New Jerfey, and 
Penfylvania,) have never fqffered by any rife of 
exchange; it having ever been a conftant rule 


[A : B. T.] the American Paper-money. 211 

there to confiderBritifh debts as payable in Britain, 
and not to be difcharged but by as much paper 
(whatever might be the rate of exchange) as 
would purchafe a bill for the full fterling fum. 
On the contrary, the merchants have been great 
gainers by the ufe of paper- money in thofe colo 
nies ; as it enabled them to fend much greater 
quantities of goods, and the purchafers to pay 
more punctually for them. And the people there 
make no complaint of any injury done them by 
paper-money, with a legal tender; they are fenfible 
of its benefits ; and petition to have it fo allowed. 
The 3d Reafon is, " 'That the reftriction has 
had a beneficial effect in New England." Parti 
cular circumftances in the New England colonies, 
made paper-money lefs neceflary and lefs conve 
nient to them. They have great and valuable 
fifheries of whale and cod, by which large remit 
tances can be made. They are four diftinct go 
vernments j but having much mutual intercourfe 
of dealings, the money of each ufed to pafs cur 
rent in all : but the whole of this common cur 
rency not being under one common direction, 
was not fo eafiiy kept within due bounds ; the 
prudent referve of one colony in its emiffions, be 
ing rendered ufelefs by excefs in another. The 
MarTachufets, therefore were not diffatisfied with 
the restraint, as it retrained their neighbours as 
well as themfelves ; and perhaps they do not de- 
fire to have the act repealed. They have not yet 
felt much inconvenience from it; as they were 
enabled to aboli/h their paper- currency, by a large 

E e 2 fum 

2J2 Remarks and Fatts relative to 

fum in filver' from Britain to reimburfe their ex- 
pences in taking Louifbourg, which, with the gold 
brought from Portugal, by means of their fifty 
kept them fupplied with a currency ; till the late 
war furniihed them and all America with bills 
of exchange; fo that littlje bam was needed for 
remittance. Their fisheries- too furnifh them with 
remittance through Spain and Portugal to Eng 
land ; which enables-them the more eafily to re 
tain gold and filver in their cotmtry. The middle 
Colonies have ;iiot this advantage ; Nor -have; they 
tobacco ; which in Virginia and 'Maryland anfwers 
the fame purpofe. -When colonies are fo different 
in their circumftances,. a regulation that is not in 
convenient to one or a few, may be very much 
the reft. -But the pay is now become fo -indifferent 
in New England, at leaft in fome of its provinces, 
through the want of currency; that the trade thi 
ther is at prefent under great difcouragement. 

The 4th Reafon is, " 'That every medium of 
tr&fajhould have an intrinfic value ; which paper- 
money has not. Gold and filver are therefore the 
fitteft for this medium, as they are an equivalent ; 
which paper never can be." However fit a parti 
cular thing may be for a particular purpofe; 
wherever that thing is not to be had, or not to 
be had in fufficient quantity ; it becomes necef- 
fary to ufe fomething elfe, the fitteft that can be 
got, in lieu of it. Gold and filver are not the 
.produce of North America, which has no mines ; 
and that which is brought thither cannot be kept 
there in fufficient quantity for a currency. Bri 

[ A : B. T.] the American Paper- money. 2 1 3 

taln^ an independent great flate, when its inha 
bitants grow too fond of the expensive luxuries 
of foreign countries, that draw away its money ; 
can, and frequently does, make laws to difcou- 
rage or prohibit fuch importations ; and by that 
means can retain its cam. The colonies are de 
pendent governments j and their people having 
naturally great refpedt for the fovereign country, 
and being thence immoderately fond of its modes, 
manufactures, and fuperfluities, cannot be re 
trained from purchafing them by any province 
law -, becaufe fuch law, if made, would imme 
diately be repealed here, as prejudicial to the 
.trade and intereft of Britain.- It feems hard there 
fore to draw all their real money from them, and 
then refufe them the poor privilege of ufmg pa 
per inftead of it. Bank bills and bankers notes 
are daily ufed here as, a medium of trade, and in 
large dealings perhaps the greater part is tranf- 

aded by their means ; and yet they have no in- 
triniic value, but reft on the credit of thofe that 
iffue them -, as paper-bills in the colonies do on 
the credit of the refpective governments there. 
Their being payable in cafh upon light by the 
drawer, is indeed a circumftance that cannot attend 
the colony bills ; for the reafons juft above-men 
tioned, their cam being drawn from them by the 
Britifh trade ; But the legal tender being fubfti- 
tuted in its place, is rather a greater advantage to 
the poiTefTor ; fince he need riot be at the trouble 
of going to ^ particular bank or banker to demand 

the money, finding (wherever he has occafion to 


2 1 4 'Remarks and Faffs re!a five to 

lay out money in the province) a perfon that is 
obliged to take the bills. So that even out of the 
province, the knowledge that every man within 
that province, is obliged to take its money ; gives 
the bill a credit among its neighbours, nearly 
equal to what they have at home. And were it 
not for the laws here, that reftrain or prohibit as 
much as poffible all lofing trades, the cam of this 
country would foon be exported ; Every merchant 
who had occafion to remit it, would run to the 
bank with all its bills that came into his hands, 
and take out his part of its treafure for that pur- 
pofe; fo that in amort time, it would be no more 
able to pay bills in money upon fight, than it is 
now in the power of a colony treafury fo to do. 
And if government afterwards mould have occa 
fion for the credit of the bank, it muft of neceffity 
make its bills a legal tender; funding them how 
ever on Taxes by which they may in time be paid 
off; as has been the general practice in the colo 
nies. At this very time, even the filver-money 
in England is obliged to the legal tender for part 
of its value -, that part, which is the difference 
between its real weight and its denomination. 
Great part of the millings and fixpences now cur 
rent, are by wearing, become 5, 10, 20, and 
fome of the fixpences even 50 per cent, too light. 
For this difference between the real and the nomi- 
naly you have no intrinfic value; you have not 
To much as paper, you have nothing. It is the 
legal tender, with the knowledge that it can eafily 
be repaffed for the fame value, that makes three- 
3 penny- 

[A: B.T.] the American Paper- money. 215 

pennyworth of filver pafs for fixpence. Gold 
and filver have undoubtedly feme properties that 
give them a fitnefs above paper as a medium of 
exchange ; particularly their univerfal efllmatkn ; 
especially in cafes where a country has occafion 
to carry its money abroad, either as a flock to trade 
with, or to purchafe allies w&& foreign fuccours ; 
Otherwife that very univerfal eftimation is an in 
convenience which paper-money is free from; 
lince it tends to deprive a country of even the 
quantity of currency that fhould be retained as a 
necefTary inftrument of its internal commerce ; and 
obliges it to be continually on its guard in making 
and executing at a great expence, 'the laws that 
are to prevent the trade which exports it. Paper 
money well funded has another great advantage 
over gold and filver ; its lightnefs of carriage, and 
the little room that is occupied by a great fum ; 
whereby it is capable of being more eafily, and 
more fafely, becaufe more privately, conveyed 
from place to place. Gold and filver are not in- 
trinfically of equal value with iron, a metal in it- 
felf capable of many more beneficial ufes to man 
kind. Their value refts chiefly in the eftimation 
they happen to be in among the generality of na 
tions, and the credit given to the opinion that 
that eftimation will continue. Otherwife a pound 
of gold would not be a real equivalent for even a. 
bufhel of wheat. Any other well-founded credit, 
is as much an equivalent as gold and filver; and 
in fome cafes more fo, or it would not be preferred 
by commercial people in different countries. Not 


2 1 6 Remarks and Fatfs relative /<? 

to mention again our own bank bills ; Holland,, 
which underftands the value of ca{h as well as any 
people in the world, would never part with gold 
smd .filver for credit (as they do when they put it 
into their bank, from whence little of it is ever 
afterwards drawn out *) if they did not think and 
find the credit a full equivalent. 

The cth Reafon is, " T^hat debtors in the af~ 
jfemblies make paper-money with fraudulent views." 
This is often laid by the adverfaries of paper- 
money, and if it has been the cafe in any parti 
cular colony, that colony mould^ on proof of the 
fait, be duly punifhed. This, however, would reafon for punifhing other colonies, who 
have not fo abufed their legiflative powers. To 
deprive all the colonies of the convenience of 
paper-money^ becaufe it has been charged on 
fome of them,, that they have made it an inftru- 
inent of fraud ; is as if all the India, Bank, and 
other flocks and trading companies were to be 
abolimed,. becaufe there have been, once in an. age,. 
Miffinappi and South fea fchemes and bubbles. 

The 6th and laft Reafon is, " T:hat in the mid~ 
die colonies y where the paper-money has been bejl 
Jupportedj the bills have never kept to their nomi 
nal value in circulation -, but. have conftantly depre 
ciated to a certain, degree, whenever the quantity 
has been increafed" If the rifing of the value of 
any particular commodity wanted for exportation, 
is to be confidered as a depreciation of the values: 

* [Perhaps Dr. Franklin had not at this time read what Sir James 
Stewart fays of the Amfterdam bank reiifuing its money, E.] 


[ A : B. T. ] the American Paper-money. 2 1 j 

of whatever remains in the country ; then the* 
rifing of filver above paper to that height of ad 
ditional value, , which its capability of exportation 
only gave it, may be called a depreciation of the 
paper. Even here, as bullion has been wanted 
or not v rated for exportation, its price has varied 
from 5 8. 2d. to 58. 8 d. per ounce. This is 
near 10 per cent. But was- it ever faid or thought 
on fuch an occafion ; that all the bank bills, and 
all the coined filver, and all the gold in the king 
dom, were depreciated 10 per cent. ? Coined 
filver is now wanted here for change, and i per 
cent, is given for it by fome bankers j are gold 
and bank notes therefore depreciated i per cent. ? 
The fact in the middle colonies is really this : 
On the emiffion of the firft paper-money, a dif 
ference foon arofe between that and filver ; the 
latter having a property the former had not, a 
property always in demand in the colonies; to wit, 
its being fit for a remittance. This property 
having foon found its value, by the merchants bid 
ding on one another for it; and a dollar thereby 
coming to be rated at 8 iliillings in paper-money 
of New York, and .75.. 6d. in paper of Penfylvania; 
It has continued uniformly at thofe rates in both- 
provinces now near 40 years, without any varia 
tion upon new emiffions ; though in Penfylvania 
the paper currency has at times increafed from. 
15,0007. the firft fum, to 6oo,ooo/. or near it. 
Nor has any alteration been occafioned by the 
paper-money, in the price of the necefTaries of life, 
when compared with filver: They have been for 

F f the- 

2 1 8 Remarks and Fatfs relative to 

the greateft part of the time no higher than before 
it was emitted ; varying only by plenty and fcarci- 
ty ; according to the feafons, or by alefs or greater 
foreign demand. It has indeed been ufual with 
the adverfaries of a paper currency, to call every 
rife of exchange with London, a depreciation of 
the paper : But this notion appears to be by no 
means juft : For if the paper purchafes every thing 
but bills of exchange, at the former rate, and thefe 
bills are not above one-tenth of what is employed 
[in] purchafes -, then it may be more properly and 
truly faid, that the exchange has rifen, than that 
the paper has depreciated. And as a proof of this, 
it is a certain fact, that whenever in thofe colonies 
bills of exchange have been dearer, thepurchafer 
has been conftantly obliged to give more in filver, 
as well as in paper, for them ; the filver having 
gone hand in hand with the paper at the rate above 
mentioned ; and therefore it might as well have 
been faid that the filver was depreciated. 

There have been feveral different fchemes for 
furniming the colonies with paper-money, that 
fliould not be a legal tender, viz. 

I . To form a bank, in imitation of the bank of 
England, with a fufficlcnt Jlock of cajh to pay the 
bills on fight. 

This has been often propofed -, but appears im 
practicable, under the preient circumftances of the 
colony trade j which, as is faid above, draws all 
the cam to Britain, and would foon ftrip the 

[A: B.T.] the American Paper-money. 219 

2. 70 raife a fund by fame yearly tax, fecurely 

lodged in the bank of England as it arifes, 'which 

Jhould, (during the term of yearsj^r which the paper- 

bills are to be current) accumulate to a fum fuffi- 

cient to difcharge them all at their original value. 

This has been tried in Maryland; and the bills 
fo funded were ifTued without being made a gene 
ral legal tender. The event was, that as notes 
payable in time are naturally fubjedt to a difcount 
proportioned to the time ; fo thefe bills fell at 
the beginning of the term fo low, as that twenty 
pounds of them became worth no more than twelve 
pounds inPenfylvania, the next neighbouring pro 
vince ; though both had been ftruck near the 
fame time at the fame nominal value, but the lat 
ter was fupported by the general legal tender. The 
Maryland bills however began to rife as the term 
(hortened, and towards the end recovered their 
full value. But as a depreciating currency injures 
creditors, this injured debtors; and by its con 
tinually changing value, appears unfit for the pur- 
pofe of money, which mould be as fixed as poffible 
in its own value ; becaufe it is to be the meafure 
of the value of other things. 

3. T*o make the bills carry an ii^tereft /Mb*p/ to 
fitpport their value. 

/ JfJL 

This too has been tried in fome of the New En- 

1 1 A? 1 & 

fand colonies; but great 'inconvemencies were 
found to attend it. The bills, to fit them for a 
currency, are made of various denominations; and 
fome very low, for the fake of change ; there are 
of them from io/. down to 3^. When they firft 

F f 2 come 

22.O Remarks and Faffs relative to 

come abroad, they pa fa eafily, and.anfwer- the pur- 
pofe well enough; lor a- few months ; .but, as ibo'n 
as the iiiterelt becomes worth Computing, the 
calculation of it on every 'little bill in, a fum be 
tween the dealer and his cuftpmers in ihops, ware- 
houfes, and. markets, takes up much time; to 
the great hindrance of bufmefs.: This evil, how 
ever, foon gave place to a worie j for the bills' were 
in a fliort time gathered up and hoarded;; it being 
a very tempting advantage- tahave money bearing 
intcreft, and the principal all -the while in a man's 
power, ready for bargains that may offer; which 
money out on mortgage is not. By^this means 
numbers of people became ufurers with fmall fums, 
who could not have found perfons to take fuch 
fums of them upon interefr, giving good fecu-rity; 
and would therefore not have thought of it; but 
would rather have employed the money in fome 
bufinefs, if it had been money of the common 
kind. Thus trade, inftead of being increafed by 
fuch bills, is diminifhed j and by their being ihut 
up in chefls, the very end of making them (viz. 
to furnifh a medium of commerce) is in a great 
meafure, if not totally defeated. 

On the whole, no method has hitherto been 
formed to eftablifh a medium of trade, in lieu of 
money, equal in all its advantages, to bills of 
credit funded on fufficient taxes for difcha'rging 
it, or on land-fecurity of double the value for 
repaying it at the end of the term; and in the 
meantime, made a GENERAL LEGAL TENDER. 

[A: B.T.] the American Paper-money. 221 

The experience of now near half a century in the 
middle colonies, has convinced them of it among 
themfelves ; by the great increafe of their fettle- 
ment's, numbers, buildings, improvements, agri 
culture, fhipping, and commerce. And the fame 
experience has fatisfied the Britifh merchants who 
trade thither, that it has been greatly ufeful to 
them, and not in a fingle inftance prejudicial. 

It is therefore hoped, that fecuring the full 
difcharge of Britifh debts, which are payable here, 
and in all juftice and reafon ought to be fully dif- 
charged here in fterling money ; the reftraint on 
the legal tender within the colonies will be taken 
off; at leaft for thofe colonies that defire it, and 
where the merchants trading to them make no 
objection to it. 

222 Remarks on a Plan 

Remarks on a PLAN for the future Management 
of Indian Affairs . 

/ "T A H E regulations in this plan feem to me to 
*- be in general very good : but fome few ap 
pear to want explanation or farther confideration. 

Claufe 3. Is it intended by this claufe to pre 
vent the trade that Indians, living near the fron 
tiers, may choofe to carry on with the inhabitants, 
by bringing their {kins into the [Englifh] fettle- 
ments ? This prevention is hardly practicable ; 
as fuch trade may be carried on in many places 
out of the obfervation of government ; the fron 
tier being of great extent, and the inhabitants 
thinly fettled in the woods, remote from each other. 
The Indians too do not every where live in towns 
Sufficiently numerous to encourage traders to re- 

J [The plan remarked upon, was under the confideration of mi- 
niftry before the clofe of the year 1766, and (as I am inclined to 
think) after the commencement of 1765. I can go no nearer as to 
its date. 

It is needlefs to enter into the particulars of it, as the remarks ex 
plain themfelves ; except perhaps as to the following points. The 
trade was to be open ; there were to be two fuperintendants to it ; in 
the northern diftrift the trade was to be carried on at fixed pofts, in 
the fouthern within the Indian towns; the military were to have no 
power over the fuperintendants or the Indian trade, even in war time, 
unlefs with the fuperintendants affent, or in great exigencies j the 
fuperintendants, by themfelves or deputies, were to make annual 
visitations among the Indians, to fee to juftice, &c. and their pro 
ceedings were to be very fummary ; and no credit was to be given 
to the Indians beyond 50 fliillings, for no higher debt was to be 
made recoverable. E.] 


[A: B.T.] for regulating Indian Affairs. 223 

fide among them ; but in fcattered families, here 
and there ; often Shifting their (ituation for the 
fake of better hunting; and if they are near the 
Engliih fettlements, it would feeni to them very 
hard to be obliged to carry their fkins for fale to 
remote towns or pofts - y when they could difpofe 
of them to their neighbours, with lefs trouble, 
and to greater advantage ; as the goods they want 
for them, are and muft be dearer at fuch remote 

4. The colony * c laws for regulating Indian 
" affairs or commerce," are the refult of long 
experience, made by people on the fpot, interested 
to make them good ; and it would be well to 
confider the matter thoroughly, before they are 
repealed, to make way for new untried fcherhes. 

By whom are they to be repealed ? By the co 
lony affemblies ? or by parliament ? Some diffi 
culty will arife here. 

13. The diftricts feem too large for this. 
The Indians under the care of the northern fu- 
perintendant, by this plan, border on the colo 
nies of Nova Scotia, Quebec, New Harnpmire, 
MafTachufetts, Connecticut, New York, New 
Jerfey, Penfylvania, Maryland, Virginia : The 
fuperintendant's fituation, remote from many of 
thefe, may occafion great inconvenience ; if his 
confent is always to be neceflary in fuch cafes. 

14. This feems too much to be done, when 
the vaftneis of the diftricl: is confidered. If there 
were more diftricts and fmaller, it might be more 

15 and 

... ^ ~ f n 

224 Remarks on a Plan 

15 and 1 6. Are thefe agents or commiffaries 
to try caufes where life is concerned ? Would it 
not be better to fend the criminals into fome civil 
well fettled government or colony, for trial, where 
good juries can be had ? 

1 8. " Chief for the whole tribe -, ivhofoall con- 
" ftantly relide with the commiflary, &c." Pro- 
vifion muft then be made for his maintenance, as 
particular Indians have no eftates, but live by 
hunting ; and their public has no funds or reve 
nues. Being ufed to rambling, it would perhaps 
not be eafy to find one,, who would be obliged to 
this conftant refidence ; but it may be tried. 

22. If the agent and his deputies, and the 
commiffaries, are not to trade ; mould it not be 
a part of their oath, that they will have no con 
cern in fuch trade, directly or indirectly ? Pri 
vate agreements between them and the traders, 
for mare of profits, mould be guarded againft ; 
and the fame care taken to prevent, if poflible,. 
private agreements between them and the pur- 
chafers of Indian lands. 

31. " or trading at any other poft, &c." 

This mould be fo exprefTed, as to make the matter 
liable for the offence of the fervant; otherwife 
it will have no effect. 

33. T doubt the fettling of tariff's will be a 
matter of difficulty. There may be. differences' 
offinenefs, goodnefs, and value, in the goods of 
different traders, that cannot be properly allowed 1 
for by general tariffs. And it feems contrary to 
the nature of commerce, for government to inter 

[ A : B . T . ] for regulating Indian affairs , 225 

fere in the prices of commodities. Trade is a 
voluntary thing between buyer and feller; in 
every article of which each exercifes his own judg 
ment, and is to pleafe himfelf. Suppofe either 
Indian or trader is diffatisfied with the tariff, and 
refufes barter on thofe terms ; are the refufers to 
be compelled ? if not, Why mould an Indian be 
forbidden to take more goods for his fkins than 
your tariff allows, if the trader is willing to give 
them ; or a trader more fkins for his goods, if 
the Indian is willing to give them ? Where there 
are a number of different traders, the feparate 
defire of each to get more cuflom, will operate 
in bringing down their goods to a reafonable price. 
It therefore feems to me, that trade will heft find 
and make its own rates; and that government can 
not well interfere, unlefs it will take the whole 
trade into its own hands (as in fome colonies it 
does) and manage it by its own fervants, at its 
own rifque. 

38. I apprehend, that if the Indians cannot 
get rum of fair traders, it will be a great means 
of defeating all thefe regulations that direcl: the 
trade to be carried on at certain ports. The coun 
tries and forefts are fo very large, it is fcarce pof- 
fible to guard every part; fo as to prevent unlicenfed 
traders drawing the Indians and the trade to them- 
felves, by rum and other fpiritous liquors j which 
all favage people are fo fond of. I think they will 
generally trade where they can get rum, prefera 
bly to where it is refufed them; and the propofed 
prohibition will therefore be a great encourage- 

G g ment 

226 Remarks on a Plan 

ment to unlicenfed traders, and promote fuch 
trade. If the commhTaries or officers at the polls, 
can prevent the felling of rum during the barter 
for other goods, and until the Indians are about 
going away ; it is perhaps all that is practicable 
or neceffary. The miffionaries will, among other 
things, endeavour to prevail with them to live 
foberly and avoid drunkennefs. 

39. The Indian trade, fo far as credit is con 
cerned, has hitherto been carried on wholly upon 
honour. They have among themfelves no fuch 
thing as prifons or confinements for debt. This 
article feems to imply, that an Indian may be com 
pelled by law, to pay a debt of fifty {hillings or 
under. Our legal method of compulfion is by 
imprifonment : The Indians cannot and will not 
imprifon one another ; And if we attempt to im- 
prifon them, I apprehend it would be generally 
difliked by the nations, and occafion breaches. 
They have fuch high ideas of the value of perfonal 
liberty, and fuch flight ones of the value of perfo 
nal property ; that they would think the difpro- 
portion monftrous between the liberty of a man, 
and a debt of a few millings ; and that it would 
be exceffi vely inequitable and unjuft, to take away 
the one for a default in payment of the other. It 
feems to me therefore be'ft, to leave that matter 
on its prefent footing ; the debts under fifty {hil 
lings as irrecoverable by law, as this article pro- 
poles for the debts above fifty {hillings. Debts 
of honour are generally as well paid as other debts. 
Where no compulfion can be ufed, it is more dif- 
I graceful 

[A: B.T.] for regulating Indian affairs. 227 

graceful to be difhoneft. If the trader thinks his 
rifque greater in trufling any particular Indian, he 
will either not do it, or proportion his price to 
his rifque. 

44. As the goods for the Indian trade all come 
from England, and the peltry is chiefly brought 
to England ; perhaps it will be beft to lay the duty 
here, on the exportation of the one, and the im 
portation of the other ; to avoid meddling with 
the queftion, of the right to lay duties in America 
by parliament here. 

If it is thought proper to carry the trading part 
of this plan into execution, would it not be well 
to try It firft In a few pofts, to which the prefent 
colony laws for regulating the Indian trade do not 
reach j that by experience, its utility may be af- 
certained, or its defects difcovered and amended ; 
before it is made general, and thofe laws repealed 
to make way for it ? If the Indians find by ex 
perience that they are better ufed in their trade at 
the pofts, under thefe regulations, than at other 
places ; may it not make them defirous of having 
the regulations extended to other places; and when 
extended, better fatisfied with them upon reflec 
tion and comparifon * ? 

* [The editor has given the following memorandum of Indian 
Jightingmen, inhabiting near the diftant pofts, in 1762; to indulge the 
curious in future times, and mew alfo the extent of Dr. Franklin's 
travels. He believes it likely to have been taken by Dr. Franklin 
in an expedition which he made, as a commander in the Penfylvania 
militia, in order to determine meafures and fituations for the out- 
pofts'; but is by no means allured of the accuracy of this opinion. 
The paper however is in Dr. Franklin's hand-writing: but it 

G g 2 mufl 

228 ; Remarks on a Plan, &c. 

muft not bemiftaken as containing a lift of the whole of the nations 
enumerated, but only fuch part of them as lived near the places 
defcribed. E.] 

A lift of the number of fighting men of the different nations of 
Indians, through which I (Dr. Franklin) patted, living at or near the 
feveral pofts. 


Wyandotts and Mohickons - 200 


Poutauwauthnies 150 

Ottawas 250 

Wyandotts 250 

Cheapwas 320 --.--- 070 


Ottawas 250 

Cheapwas 400 - - - - - - 650 


Meynomeneye no 

Pervons 360 

Sax 300 

Reynard 320 ...... 1090 


Poutauwautimies 200 

Ottawas (fome diftance) 150 - - - - 350 

The Mi AMI ES. 
Mincamies or Twigtwees ...--- 230 


Ouitanons 200 

Thickapoofe 1 80 

Mufquiton 90 

Pyanldlhaws 100 - - 570 


At the lower town, on Scioto 240 
.At the upper town, on Mufkingum 60 .----- 300 


There is a nation, back of the Bay, who ufcd formerly to come 
there to vifit the French, when they were in pofleffioii of that poft, 
called La Steu t computed to be 2500 fighting men; who have this 
fummer fent word to Mr. Gorrell, who commands there, that they 
purpofe paying him avifit late this fall or in the fpring. 






N. B. All the Papers under this dwifion are dtfllnguijhed ty 
the letters [A: D.T.] placed in the running title at the 
head of each leaf* 


[A:D.T.] [ 231 J 

Caufes of the AMERICAN Dif contents before 1768. 

The Waves never rife but when the winds blow. 



A S the caufe of the prefent ill humour in Ame- 
** rica, and of the refolutions taken there to 
purchafe lefs of our manufactures, does not feem 
to be generally understood ; it may afford fome 
fatisfaftion to your readers, if you give them the 
following fhort hiftorical ftate of facts. 

From the time that the colonies were firft con- 
fidered as capable of granting aids to the crown, 
down to the end of the laft war, it is faid, that 
the conftant mode of obtaining thofe aids was, 
by requifition made from the crown, through its 
governors to the feveral arlemblies, in circular 
letters from the fecretary of ftate, in his Majefty's 
name -, fetting forth the occafion, requiring them 
to take the matter into consideration, and ex- 
preffing a reliance on their prudence, duty, and 
affection to his Majefty's government, that they 
would grant fuch fums, or raife fuch. numbers of 
men, as were fuitable to their refpective circum- 

The colonies being accuftomed to this method, 
have from time to time granted money to the 

* [This letter firft appeared in ^.London paper, January 7, 1768, 
and was afterwards reprinted as a poftfcript to The true Jentiments 
cfAmeika., printed for dlmon, 1768. E.j 


232 Caufes vf the-. American 

crown, or raifed troops for its fervice, in propor 
tion to their abilities ; and during all the laft war 
beyond their abilities ; fo that considerable fums 
were returned them yearly by parliament, as they 
had exceeded their proportion. 

Had this happy method of requifition been 
continued, (a method that left the "King's fubjects 
in thofe remote countries the pleafure of mowing 
their zeal and loyalty, and of imagining that they 
recommended themfelves to their ibvereign by the 
liberality of their voluntary grants) there is no 
doubt, but all the money that could reafonably 
be expected to be raifed from them in any man 
ner; might have been obtained, without the leail 
heart-burning, offence, or breach of the harmony 
of affections and interefts that fo long fubfufted 
between the two countries. 

It has been thought wifdom in a government ex- 
ercifing fovereignty over different kinds of people, 
to have fome regard to prevailing and ejkablifhed 
opinions among the people to be governed - y where - 
ever fuch opinions might in their effects, obftruct 
or promote public meafures. If they tend to 
obftruct public fervice, they are to be changed, 
if poffible, before we attempt to act againft them ; 
and they can only be changed by reafon and per- 
fuafion. But if public bufinefs can be carried on 
without thwarting thofe opinions ; if they can be, 
on the contrary, made fubfervient to it \ they are 
not unneceffarily to be thwarted, how abfurd fuch 
popular opinions may be in their nature. 


[A: D.T.] Diftontents before 1768. 233 

This had been the wifdom of our government 
with refpeft to railing money in the colonies. It 
was well known, that the colonifts univerfally 
were of opinion, that no money could be levied 
from English fubjeds, but by their own confent, 
given by themfelves or their chofen reprefenta- 
tives ; that therefore whatever money was to be 
raifed from the people in the colonies, muft firft 
be granted by their affemblies, as the money raifed 
in Britain is firffc to be granted by the houfe of 
commons ; that this right of granting their own 
money, was eiTential to Englim liberty ; and that 
if any man, or body of men in which they had 
no reprefentative of their chooling, could tax them 
at pleafure, they could not be laid to have any 
property, any thing they could call their own. 
But as thefe opinions did not hinder their grant 
ing money voluntarily and amply, whenever the 
crown by its fervants came into their afTemblies 
(as it does into its parliaments of Britain or Ireland) 
and demanded aids j therefore that method was 
chofen ; rather than the hateful one of arbitrary 

I do not undertake here to fupport thefe opinions 
of the Americans^ they have been refuted by a late 
act of parliament, declaring its own power ; 
which very parliament, however, mewed wifely 
fo much tender regard to thofe inveterate preju 
dices, as to repeal a tax that had militated againft 
them. And thofe prejudices are ftill fo fixed 
and rooted in the Americans, that, it has been 
fuppofed, not a fingle man among them has been 

H h convinced 

234 Caufes of the American 

convinced of his error, even by that act of par 

The perfon then who fir ft projected to lay afide 
the accuftomed method of requisition, and to raife 
money on America byjtamps, feems not to have 
acted wifely, in deviating from that method 
(which the colonifts looked upon as constitutional) 
and thwarting unnecefTarily the fixed prejudices 
of fo great a number of the King's fubjects. It 
was not, however, for want of knowledge, that 
what he was about to do would give them offence; 
he appears to have been very fenfible of this, and 
apprehenfive that it might occafion fome diforders; 
to prevent or fupprefs which, he projected another 
bill that was brought in the fame feffion with the 
Stamp Act, whereby it was to be made lawful for 
military officers in the colonies to quarter their fol 
diers in private houfes. This feemed intended to 
awe the people into a compliance with the other 
act. Great oppofition however being raifed here 
againfl the bill by the agents from the colonies, 
and the merchants trading thither, (the colonifts 
declaring, that under fuch a power in the army, 
no one could look on his houfe as his own, or 
think he had a home, when foldiers might be 
thruft into it and mixed with his family at the 
pleafure of an officer,") that part of the bill was 
dropt ; but there ftill remained a claufe, when it 
paffed into a law, to oblige the feveral alTemblies 
to provide quarters for the foldiers, furniming 
them with firing, bedding, candles, fmall beer 
or rum, and fundry other articles, at the expence 


[A:D.T.J Dtfiontents before 1768. 235 

of the feveral provinces. And this act continued 
in force when the Stamp Act was repealed; though 
if obligatory on the afTemblies, it equally mili 
tated againft the American principle above men 
tioned that money is not to be raifed on Englifli 
fubjects without their confent. 

The colonies neverthelefs being put into high 
good humour by the repeal of the Stamp Act, 
chofe to avoid a frefli difpute upon the other, it 
being temporary and foon to expire, never, as 
they hoped, to revive again -, and in the mean 
time they, by various ways in different colonies, 
provided for the quartering of the troops ; either 
by acts of their own afTemblies, without taking 
notice of the Act of Parliament, or by fome variety 
or fmall diminution, as of fait and vinegar, in the 
fupplies required by the act ; that what they did 
might appear a voluntary act of their own, and 
not done in due obedience to an A5l of Parliament, 
which, according to their ideas of their rights, 
they thought hard to obey. 

It might have been well if the matter had then 
pafled without notice; but a governor having 
written home an angry and aggravating letter upon 
this conduct in the aflembly of his province, the 
outed [Propofer *] of the Stamp Act and his adhe 
rents (then in the oppofition) raifed fuch a cla 
mour againft America, as being in rebellion ; and 
againft thofe who had been for the repeal of the 
Stamp Act, as having thereby been encouragers 

* [Mr. George Grenville. E. ] 

Hh 2 of 

236 Caufes of the American 

of this fuppofed rebellion ; ,that it was thought 
neceiTary to enforce the Quartering Act by another 
act of parliament, taking away from the province 
of New York (which had been the moft explicit 
in its refufal) all the powers of legiflation, till it 
mould have complied with that act. The news 
of which greatly alarmed the people every where 
in America, as (it had been faid) the language of 
fuch an act feemed to them to be obey implicitly 
laws made by the parliament of Great Britain to 
raife money on you without your confent, or you 
fhall enjoy no rights or privileges at all. 

At the fame time a perfon lately in high of 
fice * projected the levying more money, from 
America, by new duties on various articles of our 
own manufacture, (as glafs, paper, painters co 
lours, &c.) appointing a new board of cufloms, 
and fending over a fet of commiflioners, with 
large falaries, to be eftablifhed at Bofton, who 
were to have the care of collecting thofe duties ; 
which were by the act exprefsly mentioned to be 
intended for the payment of the falaries of go 
vernors, judges, and other officers of the crown 
in America; it being a pretty general opinion 
here, that thofe officers ought not to depend on 
the people there, for any part of their fupport. 

It is not my intention to combat this opinion. 
But perhaps it may be fome fatisfaction to your 
readers, to know what ideas the Americans have 
on the fubject. They fay then, as to governors, 

* [Mr. Charles Town/end. E.J 


[A: D.T.] Dtfcontents before 1768- 237 

that they are not like princes whofe poiterity have 
an inheritance in the government of a nation, and 
therefore an intereft in its profperity ; they are 
generally ftrangers to the provinces they are fent 
to govern -, have no eftate, natural connection, pr 
relation there, to give them an affection for the 
country ; that they come only to make money as 
faft as they can 5 are fometimes men of vicious 
characters and broken fortunes, fent by a minifter 
merely to get them out of the way ; that as they 
intend flaying in the country no longer than their 
government continues, and purpofe to leave no 
family behind them j they are apt to be regard- 
lefs of the good-will of the people, and care not 
what is faid or thought of them after they are 
gone. Their fituation at the fame time, gives 
them many opportunities of being vexatious ; 
and they are often fo, notwithftanding their de 
pendence on the afTemblies for all that part of 
their fupport, that does not arife from fees efta- 
blifhed by law j but would probably be much 
more fo, if they were to be fupported by money 
drawn from the people without their confent 
or good will - y which is the profeffed defign of 
this new act. That if by means of thefe forced 
duties government is to be fupported in America, 
without the intervention of the affemblies -, their 
affemblies will foon be looked upon as ufelefs ; 
and a governor will not call them, as having 
nothing to hope from their meeting, and perhaps 
fomething to fear from their inquiries into, and 
remonftrances againft, his mal-adminiftration. 


238 Caufes of the American 

That thus the people will be deprived of their 
moil eflential rights. That it being (as at prefent) 
a governor's intereft to cultivate the good-will, 
by promoting the welfare, of the people he governs, 
T can be attended with no prejudice to the mother- 
country ; iince all the laws he may be prevailed on 
to give his afTent to are fubject to revifion here, 
and if reported again ft by the board of trade, are 
immediately repealed by the crown ; nor dare 
he pafs any law contrary to his instructions ;. as 
he holds his office during the pleaiure of the 
crown, and his fecurities are liable for the pe 
nalties of their bonds if he contravenes thofe in- 
ftructions. This is what they fay as to go 

As to judges they allege, that being ap 
pointed from hence, and holding their commif- 
iions not during good behaviour, as in Britain, 
but during pleafure ; all the weight of intereft 
or influence would be thrown into one of the 
fcales (which ought to be held even) if the fala- 
ries are alfo to be paid out of duties raifed upon 
the people without their confent, and indepen^- 
dent of their aiTemblies approbation or difap- 
probation of the judges behaviour. That it is 
true, judges mould be free from all influence; 
and therefore, whenever government here will 
grant commiffiohs to able and honeil judges 
during good behaviour, the aflemblies will let- 
tie permanent and ample falaries on them during 
their commiffions ; but, at prefent, they have 
no other means of getting rid of an ig j-.-ant. or 


[A: D.T.] Dif contents before 1768. 239 

an unjuft judge (and fome of fcandalous charac 
ters have, they lay, been fometimes fent them) 
left, but by ftarving them out. 

I do not fuppofe thefe reafonings of theirs will 
appear here to have much weight. I do not 
produce them with an expectation of convinc 
ing your readers. I relate them merely in pur- 
fuance of the tafk I have impofed on myfelf, 
to be an impartial hiflorian of American facts and 

The colonifts being thus greatly alarmed, as I 
faid before, by the news of the act for abolifhing 
the legiilature of New York, and the impofition 
of theie new duties, profefTedly for fuch difagree- 
able purpofes (accompanied by a new fet of reve 
nue officers, with large appointments, which gave 
ftrong fufpicions, that more bufinefs of the fame 
kind was foon to be provided for them, that they 
might earn their falaries) ; began ferioufly to con- 
fider their fituation ; and to revolve afrefh in their 
minds, grievances which from their refpect and 
love for this country, they had long borne and 
feemed almoft willing to forget. They reflected 
how lightly the intereft of all America had been 
eftimated here, when the interefts of 2, few of the 
inhabitants of Great Britai?i happened to have the 
Imalleft competition with it. That the whole 
American people was forbidden the advantage of 
a direct importation of wine, oil, and. fruit, from 
Portugal ; but muft take them loaded with all the 
expence of a voyage one thoufand leagues round 
about, being to be landed rft in England, to be 


240 Catifes of the American 

re-fhipped for America ; expences amounting, in 
war-time, at leaft to thirty pounds percent, more 
than otherwise they would have been charged 
with ; and all this merely, that a few Portugal 
merchants in London may gain a commiilion on 
thofb goods palling through their hands. (Por 
tugal merchants, by the by, that can complain 
loudly of the fmalleft hardships laid on their trade 
by foreigners, and yet even in the lait year could 
oppofe with all their influence the giving eafe to 
their fellow- fubj eels labouring under fo heavy an 
oppreflion !) That on a flight complaint of a few 
Virginia merchants, nine colonies had been re- 
ftrained from making paper-money, become ab- 
folutely neceflary to their internal commerce, from 
the conftant remittance of their gold arid filver to 
Britain. But not only the intereft of a particular 
body of merchants-, but the intereft of any fmall 
body of Britim tradefmen or artificers, has been 
found, they fay, to outweigh that of all the King's 
fubjecls in the colonies. There cannot be a 
flronger natural right than that of a man's making 
the beft profit he can of the natural produce of 
his lands, provided he does not thereby hurt the 
ftate in general. Iron is to be found every where 
in America, and the beaver furs are the natural 
produce of that country : hats, and nails and fleel, 
are wanted there as well as here. It is of no 
importance to the common welfare of the empire 
whether a fubject of the King's gets his living 
with making hats on this, or on that fide of 
the water. Yet the hatters of England have 
I prevailed 

[A: D.T.] Difcontents before 1768. 241 

prevailed to obtain an adfc in their own favour, 
retraining that manufacture in America; in order 
to oblige the Americans to fend their beaver to 
England to be manufactured, and purchafe back 
the hats, loaded with the charges of a double 
tranfportation. In the fame manner have a few 
nail-makers, and Hill a fmaller body of fleel-mak- 
ers (perhaps there are not half a dozen of thefe 
in England) prevailed totally to forbid by an act 
of parliament the creeling of flitting-mills, or fteel 
furnaces in America; that the Americans may 
be obliged to take all their nails for their building?, 
and fteel for their tools, from thefe artificers, un 
der the fame difadvantages *. 


* [I lhall here give the reader the note at the end of the fourth 
paragraph of the Farmer's feventh letter, (written by Mr. Dicken- 


' Many remarkable inftances might be produced of the extraor- 
' dinary inattention with which bills of great importance, concern- 
' ing thefe colonies, have paffed in parliament ; which is owing, 
' as it is fuppofed, to the bills being brought in, by the perfons 

* who have points to carry, fo artfully framed, that it is not eafy 

* for the members in general, in the hafte of bufinefs, todifcover 
' their tendency. 

' The following inftances fhew the truth of this remark. 

* When Mr. Grenville, in the violence of reformation and in 
novation, formed the 4th George III. chap. I5th, for regulating 
the American trade, the word " Ireland" was dropt in the claule 
relating to our iron and lumber, fo that we could fend thefe arti 
cles to no other part of Europe, but to Great Britain. This was 
fo unreafonable a reftriftion, and fo contrary to the fentiments of 
the legiflature, for many years before, that it is furprifing it fhould 
not have been taken notice of in the houfe. However, the bill 
paffed into a law. But when the matter was explained, this re 
ftriftion was taken off in a fubfequent aft. 

' I cannot fay, how long after the taking off this reftriftion, as 
I have not the afts ; butt think in lefs than eighteen .months, 
another aft of parliament paffed, in which the word " Ireland" 

I i * was 

242 Cnufes of the American 

Added to thefe, the Americans remembered 
the act authorizing the moft cruel infult that 
perhaps was ever offered by one people to ano 
ther, that of emptying our gaols into their fet- 
tlements ; Scotland too having within thefe two 
years obtained the privilege it had not before, 
of fending its rogues and villains alfo to the 
plantations I fay, reflecting on thefe things, 
they faid one to another (their news-papers are full 
of fuch difcourfes) " Thefe people are not con 
tent with making a monopoly of us, (forbidding 
us to trade with any other country of Europe, and 

* was left out, as it had been before. The matter being a fecond 

* time explained, was a fecond time regulated. 

* Now if it be confidered, that the omiffion mentioned, ftruck 

* off, with one word, fo very great a part of our trade, it mult ap- 
pear remarkable : and equally fo is the method by which rice 
' became an enumerated commodity, and therefore could be car- 
' ried to Great Britain only.' 

' The enumeration was obtained, (fays Mr. Gee on Trade, 
*' p. 32.) by one Cole, a captain of a ihip, employed by a com- 
** pany then trading to Carolina ; for feveral {hips going from 
" England thither, and purchasing rice for Portugal, prevented the 
'* aforefaid Captain of a loading. Upon his coming home, he 
** pofiefled one Mr. Lowndes, a member of parliament, (who 
" was frequently employed to prepare bills) with an opinion, that 
" carrying rice directly to Portugal was a prejudice to the trade of 
** England, and privately got a claufe into an aft to make it an 
' enumerated commodity ; by which means he fecured a freight 
" to himfelf. But the- confequence proved a vaft lofs to the na- 
" tion." 

< I find that this claufe, " privately got into an aft, for the bene- 
" fit of Captain Cole,, to the vaft lofs of the nation," is fbilted into 
' the 3d Anne, chapter 5th, intituled, 'An Aft for granting to 

* Her Majefty a further fub/idy on wines and merchandizes import- 
' ed ;' with which it has no more connexion, than with 34th 
Edward I. 34th and 35th of Henry VIII. or the 25th Charles IT. 
4 which provide that no perfon fhall be taxed but by himfelf or 

* his reprefentatives,' E.] 


[A: D.T.] Difcontents before 1768. 243 

compelling us to buy every thing of them, though 
in many articles we could furniih ourfelves ten, 
twenty, and even to fifty per cent, cheaper elfe- 
wherej) but now they have as good as declared 
they have a right to tax us ad libitum internally 
and externally ; and that our constitutions and 
liberties mall all be taken away, if we do not fub- 
mit to that claim." 

" They are not content with the high prices 
at which they fell us their goods, but have now 
begun to enhance thofe prices by new duties ; 
and by the expenfive apparatus of a new fet 
of officers, appear to extend an augmentation 
and multiplication of thofe burthens that mall ftill 
be more grievous to us. Our people have been 
foolifhly fond of their fuperfluous modes and 
manufactures, to the impoveriming our own 
country, carrying off" all our cam, and loading 
us with debt ; they will not fuffer us to reftrain 
the luxury of our inhabitants, as they do that 
of their own, by laws : they can make laws to 
difcourage or prohibit the importation of French 
fuperfluities : but though thofe of England are 
as ruinous to us as the French ones are to them, 
if we make a law of that kind, they immediately 
repeal it. Thus they get all our money from us 
by trade; and every profit we can any where make 
by our fimeries, our produce, or our commerce, 
centers finally with them j But this does not 
fignify. It is time then to take care of ourfelves 
by the beft means in our power. Let us unite in 
folemn refolution and engagements with and to 

I i 2 each 

244 Caufes of the American 

each other, that we will give thefe new officers 
as little trouble as poffible, by not confuming the 
Britijh manufactures on which they are to levy 
the duties. Let us agree to confume no more of 
their expenfive gewgaws. Let us live frugally, 
and let us induftrioufly manufacture what we can 
for ourfelves : thus we (hall be able honourably to 
difcharge the debts we already owe them ; and after 
that, we may be able to keep fome money in our 
country, not only for the ufes of our internal com 
merce j but for the fervice of our gracious fove- 
reign, whenever he mall have occafion for it, and 
think proper to require it of us in the old confli- 
tutional manner. For notwithftanding the re 
proaches thrown out againfl us in their public 
papers and pamphlets, notwithftanding we have 
been reviled in their fenate as rebels and traitors, 
we are truly a loyal people. Scotland has had its 
rebellions, and England its plots againil the pre- 
fent royal family ; but America is untainted with 
tbofe crimes-, there is in it fcarce a man, there is 
not a fingle native of our country, who is not firmly 
attached to his King by principle and by affection. 
But a new kind of loyalty feems-to be required of 
us, a loyalty to parliament; a loyalty, that is to 
extend, it is faid, to a furrender of all our pro 
perties, whenever a houfe of commons in which 
there is not a fingle member of our chufing, mail 
think fit to grant them away without our confent; 
and to a patient fuffering the lofs of our privileges 
asEnglimmen, if we cannot fubmit to make fuch 
furrender. We were feparated too far from Britain 


[A: D.T.] Difcontents before 1768. 245 

l?y the ocean, but we were united to it by refpect 

and love j fo that we could at any time freely have 

fpent our lives and little fortunes in its caufe : but 

th ; s unhappy new fyftem of politics tends to dif- 

folve thofe bands of union, and to fever us for ever." 

Thefe are the wild ravings of the, at prefent, 

half- diffracted Americans. To be fure, 'no rea- 

fonable man in England can approve of fuch fen- 

timents, and, as I faid before, I do not pretend 

to fupportor juftify them : but I iincerely wifh, 

for the fake of the manufactures and commerce of 

Great Britain, and for the fake of the ftrength 

which a firm union with our growing colonies 

would give us ; that, thefe people had never been 

thus needlefsly driven out of their fenfes. 

I am yours, 6cc. 

F. S*. 

* [F. S. poflibly means ' Franklin's Seal.' The paper, how 
ever, is undoubtedly the production of Dr. Franklin. 

In the collet ion of trafts on the Jubjetts of taxing the Eriti/h colonies 
in America, and regulating their trade (printed in 1773, in 4vols. 8vo. 
by Almon ;) I find 'two papers, faid there to have been publifhed ori 
ginally in 1739 ; and to have been drawn up by a club of American 
merchants, at the head of whom were Sir William Keith (governor 
ofPenfylvania) JofhuaGee, and many other eminent perfons. - The 
firft paper propofes the raiding a fmall body of regular troops under 
the command of an officer appointed by the crown, and independent 
of the governors, (who were neverthelefs'to afiift him in councilor! 
emergent occafions ;) in order to protect the Indian trade, and take 
care of the boundaries and back fettlements. They were to be fup- 
ported by a revenue to be eftablifhed by al of parliament, in Ame 
rica ; which revenue was to arife out of a duty on ftampt paper and 
parchment, The fecond paper goes into the particulars of this pro- 
pofed (tamp duty, offers reafons for extending it over all the" Britim 
plantations, and recites its fuppoied advantages. If thefe papers are 
at all genuine, (a facl about which I am not in the leaft informed) 
Mr. George Grenville does not appear to have been original in con 
ceiving Jlamps as a proper fubjecl; for his new tax. See ib, vol. I. E.] 

246 How far an Union probable. 

Letter concerning the Gratitude of America, and 
the probability and effects 0/~an Union with Great 
Britain ; and concerning the Repeal or Sufpenfion. 
of the Stamp- Aft *. 

SIR, Jan. 6, 1766. 

T HAVE attentively penafed the paper you fent 
" me, and am of opinion, that the meafure it 
propofes, of 'an union with the colonies, is a wile 
one : but I doubt it will hardly be thought fo here, 
till it is too late to attempt it. The time has been 
when the colonies would have efteemed it a great 
advantage, as well as honour to them, to be per 
mitted to fend members to parliament -, and would 
have afked for that privilege, if they could have 
had the leafl hopes of obtaining it. The time is 
now come, when they are indifferent about it, 
and will probably not afk it; though they might 
accept it if offered them -, And the time will come, 
when they will certainly refufe it. But if fuch an 
union were now eftablimed, (which methinks 
it highly imports this country to eftablim,) it 
would probably fublift as long as Britain mall 
continue a nation. This people, however, is 
too proud, and too much defpifes the Americans, 
to bear the thought of admitting them to fuch 
an equitable participation in the government of 

* [The name of the perfon to whom this letter is addrefied can 
not be made out in the original copy. The letter, to which it is a 
reply, appears to have contained the letter of Tome third perfon 
equally unknown to the editor. E.] 


[A: D.T.] Of the Gratitude of America. 247 

the whole. Then the next bejl thing feems to be, 
leaving them in the quiet enjoyment of their re- 
fpective conftitutions ; and when money is wanted 
for any public fervice in which they ought to 
bear a part, calling upon them by requifitorial 
letters from the crown, (according to the long 
eftablifhed cuftom) to grant fuch aids as their 
loyalty mall dictate, and their abilities permit. 
The very fenfible and benevolent author of that 
paper, feems not to have known, that fuch a con- 
ititutional cuflom fubfifts, and has always hitherto 
been practifed in America 3 or he would not have 
exprefled hirnfelf in this manner : " It is evident 
" beyond a doubt, to the intelligent and impartial, 
" that after the very extraordinary efforts which 
" were effectually made by Great Britain in the 
" late war to fave the colonifts from destruction, 
" and attended of neceffity with an enormous load 
" of debts in confequence ; that the fame colo- 
*' nifts, now firmly fecured from foreign enemies, 
*' fhould be fome-how induced to contribute fome 
*' proportion towards the exigencies of ftate in 
" future." This looks as if he conceived the war 
had been carried on at the fole expence' of Great 
Britain - y and the colonies only reaped the benefit, 
without hitherto fharing the burthen } and were 
therefore now indebted toBritain on that account. 
And this is the fame kind of argument that is ufed 
by thofe, who would fix on the colonies the heavy 
charge of unreafonablenefs and ingratitude, which 
I think your friend did not intend. Pleafe to 
acquaint him then, that the fact is not fo : That 


248 Of the Gratitude of America. 

every year during the war, requifitions were made 
by the crown on the colonies for raifing money 
and men ; that accordingly they made more ex 
traordinary efforts, in proportion to their abilities, 
than Britain did -, that they raifed, paid and clothed, 
for five or fix years, near 25,000 men, befides 
providing for other fervices, (as building forts, 
equipping guard-fhips, paying tranfports, 6cc.) 
And that this was more than their fair proportion 
is not merely an opinion of mine, but was the 
judgment of government here, in full; knowledge 
of all the facts ; for the then miniflry, to make 
the burthen more equal, recommended the cafe 
to parliament, and obtained a reimburfement to 
the Americans of about 200, ooo/. flerling every 
year; which amounted only to about two fifths 
of their expence ; and great part of the reft lies 
ilill a load of debt upon them ; heavy taxes on 
all their eftates, real and perfonal, being laid by 
acts of their aflemblies, to difcharge it, and yet 
will not difcharge it in many years. While then 
thefe burthens continue; while Britain reftrains 
the colonies in every branch of commerce and ma 
nufactures, that me thinks interferes with herown; 
while fhe drains the colonies by her trade with 
them, of all the cam they can procure by every art 
and induftry in any part of the world, and thus 
keeps them always in her debt : (for they can 
make no law to difcourage the importation of 
your to them ruinous fuperfluities, as you do the 
fuperfluities of France -, fmce fuch a law would 
immediately be reported againft by your board of 
3 trade, 

[A : D. T.] Effects of an tMon, 249 

trade, and repealed by the crown:) I fay while 
thefe circumftances continue, and while there 
fubfifls the eftabliflied method of royal requifi- 
tions, for railing money on them by their own 
afTemblies on every proper occafion ; Can it be 
necefTary or prudent to diftrefs and vex them by 
taxes laid here, in a parliament wherein they have 
no reprefentative, and in a manner which they 
look upon to be unconftitutional and fubverfive 
of their moft' valuable rights ; and are they to be 
thought unreafonable and ungrateful if they oppofe 
fuch taxes ? Wherewith, they fay, (hall we mow 
our loyalty to our gracious king, if our money 
is to be given by others, without afking our con- 
fent ? And if the parliament has a right thus to 
take from us a penny in the pound, where is the 
line drawn that bounds that right, and what mall 
hinder their calling whenever they pleafe for the 
other nineteen millings and eleven pence ? Have 
we then any thing that we can call our own ? It 
is more than probable that bringing reprefenta- 
tives from the colonies to fit and act here as mem 
bers of parliament, thus uniting and confolidating 
your dominions , would in a little time remove 
thefe objections and difficulties; and make the 
future government of the colonies eafy : But, till 
fome fuch thing is done, I apprehend no taxes 
laid there by parliament here, will ever be col 
lected, but fuch as muft be flamed with blood : 
and, I am fure the profit of fuch taxes will never 
anfwer the expence of collecting them, and that 
the refpect and affection of the Americans to this 

K k country 

2 5 O/* Repealing or Suspending 

country will in the ftruggle be totally loft, perhaps 
never to be recovered ; and therewith all the 
commercial and political advantages that might 
have attended the continuance of this refpect and 
this affection. 

In my own private judgment I think an imme 
diate Repeal of the ftamp-act would be the beft 
meafure for this country ; but a Sufpenlion of it 
for three years, the befl fortbat. The repeal would 
fill them with joy and gratitude, re-eftablifh their 
refpect and veneration for parliament, reftore at 
once their ancient and natural love for this coun 
try, and their regard for every thing that comes 
from it ; hence the trade would be renewed in all 
its branches ; they would again indulge in all the 
expeniive fuperfluities you fupply them with, 
and their own new aflumed home induftry would 
languifh. But fazfufpenfion, though it might con 
tinue their fears and anxieties, would at the fame 
time keep up their refolutions of induftry and fru 
gality; which, in two- or three years would grow 
into habits, to their lafting advantage. However,, 
as the repeal will probably not be now agreed to *, 
from what I think a miftaken opinion, that the 
honour and dignity of government is better fup- 
ported by perfiiting in a wrong meafure once en 
tered into, than by rectifying an, error as foon as 
it is difcovered we muft allow the next beft thing 
for the advantage of both countries is, the fufpen- 

* [It was however agreed to in the fame year, viz. in 1766. E. ] 


(A: D.T.] the Stamp- Aft. 251 

iion. For as to executing the act by force, it is 
madnefs, and will be ruin to the whole. 

The reft of your friend's reafonings and propo- 
fitions appear to me truly juft and judicious; I 
will therefore only add, that I am as defirous of 
his acquaintance and intimacy, as he was of my 
opinion. -I am, with much efleem, 

Your obliged friend. 




K k 2 Letter 


2 r 2 G overnor Po wnall V Letter 



Letter from Governor Po wnall to Dr. Franklin, 

concerning an equal communication of rights* 

- privileges, &c. to America by Great Britain *. 


Dear SIR, 

*"T" S H E following objection again-ft communicat- 
-* ing to the colonies the rights, privileges, 
and powers of the realm, as to parts of the realm* 
has been made. I have been endeavouring to 
obviate it, and I communicate [it] to you, in 
hopes of your promifed afliftance. 

If, fay the objectors, we communicate to the 
colonies the power of fending reprefentatives, and 
in confequence expert them to participate in an 
equaljhare and proportion of all our taxes ; we muft 
grant to them all the powers of trade and manu 
facturing, which any other parts of the realm 
within the ifle of Great Britain enjoy : If fo, per 
chance the profits of the Atlantic commerce may 
converge to fome center in America ; to Bofton* 
New York, Philadelphia, or to fome of the ifles : 
If fo, then the natural and artificial produce of 
the colonies, and in courfe of confequences the 
landed intereft of the colonies, will be promoted; 
While the natural and artificial produce and landed 
intereft of Great Britain will be deprefled, to its 

* [This letter bears no date. It was written poffibly about the 
time that Governor Pownall was engaged in publiJhing his book on 
the jddminijlratlon of the colonies . E.J 


[A: D.T.] about an Union. 253 

utter ruin and deftrudtion ; and confequently the 
balance of the power of government, although Hill 
within the realm t will be locally transferred from 
Great Britain to the colonies. Which confequence, 
however it may fuit a citizen of the world, mull 
be folly and madnefs to a Briton. My fit is gone 
off; and though weak, both from the gout and 
a concomitant and very ugly fever, I am much 
better. Would be glad to fee you. 

Your friend, 



254 Minutes in Reply, by Dr. Franklin. 


On the back of the foregoing letter of Gov.PownaH, 
are the following minutes y by Dr. Franklin. 

*TpHIS objection goes upon the fuppofition, that 
^ whatever the colonies gain, Britain muft 
lofe ; and that if the colonies can be kept from 
.gaining an advantage, Britain ivill gain it : 

If the colonies are fitter for a particular trade 
than Britain, they mould have it; arid-Britain 
apply to what it is more fit for. The whole em 
pire is a gainer. And if Britain is not fo fit or fo 
well fituated for a particular advantage, other 
countries will get it, if the colonies do not. 
Thus Ireland was forbid the woollen manufac 
ture, and remains poor : But this has given to 
the French, the trade and wealth Ireland might 
have gained for the Britifh empire. 

The government cannot long be retained with 
out the union. Which is beft (fuppofing your 
cafe ;) to have a total feparation, or a change of 
the feat of government ? It by no means follows, 
that promoting and advancing the landed interefl 
in America, will deprefs that of Britain : The 
contrary has always been the fact. Advantageous 
fituations and circumftances will always fecure 
and fix manufactures : Sheffield again/I all Europe 
for thefe 300 years paft. - 

Danger of innovation. 

*fhe Examination of Dr. Benjamin Franklin [before 
the Englim Houfe of Commons, in February 
1766] relative to the Repeal of the American 
Stamp Att*. 

^5 TT7HAT is your name, and place of abode ? 
A. Franklin, of Philadelphia. 

^. Do the Americans pay any confiderable taxes 
among themfelves ? 

A. Certainly many, and very heavy taxes. 

^. What are the prefent taxes in Penjyfoania, 
laid by the laws of the colony ? 

* [1766. Pel. 3. Benjamin Franklin, Efq; and a number of other 
perfbns were * ordered to attend the committee of the whole houfe 
' [of commons] to whom it was referred to confider farther the 
' feveral papers [relative to America] which were prefented to the 
' houfe by Mr. Secretary Conway, &c.' 

Feb. 13. Benjamin Franklin, Efq; having patted through his ex 
amination, was excepted from farther attendance. 

Feb. 24. The refolutions of the committee were reported by the 
chairman, Mr. Fuller-, their /event h and laft refolution fetting forth 

* that it was their opinion that the houfe be moved, that leave be 

* given to bring in a bill to repeal the Stamp Aft.' A propofal for. 
re-committing this refolutioa was negatived by 240 votes to 133. 
(See the Journals of the Houfe of Commons.) 

This examination of Dr. Franklin was printed in the year 1767,. 
under the form of a milling pamphlet. It is prior in point of date to 
fome of the foregoing pieces ; but I readily fu Emitted to this derange 
ment, thinking by this means to provide the reader with a knowledge 
of the proceedings on which the examination was grounded. 

I have put ff aces between the anfwers, whenever the queftion led 
to a change of fubjeft ; which frequently happened, in confeqpence 
of the defultory and intermixed inquiries, made on the part of a body, 
fo variously compofed as the houfe of commons. E.] 

A. There- 

256 Examination of Dr. Franklin Before the 

A. There are taxes on all eftates real and per- 
fonal ; a poll tax ; a tax on all offices, profeffions, 
trades and bufinelTes, according to their profits ; 
an excife on all wine, rum, and other fpirits - f 
and a duty of ten pounds per head on all negroes 
imported j with fome other duties. 

<^. For what purpofes are thofe taxes laid ? 

A. For the fupport of the civil and military 
eftablifhments of the country, and to difcharge 
the heavy debt contracted in the lafl war. 

<. How long are thofe taxes to continue ? 

A. Thofe for difcharging the debt are to con 
tinue till 1772, and longer, if the debt mould 
not be then all difcharged. The others muft al 
ways continue. 

<^. Was it not expected that the debt would 
have been fooner difcharged ? 

A. It was, when the peace was made with 
France and Spain. But a frefh war breaking out 
with the Indians, a frem load of debt was incur 
red; and the taxes, of courfe, continued longer 
by a new law. 

^. Are not all the people very able to pay thofe 
taxes ? 

A. No. The frontier counties, all along the 
continent, having been frequently ravaged by the 
enemy, and greatly impoverished, are able to pay 
very little tax. And therefore, in confideration 
of their diftrefles, our late tax laws do exprefsly 
favour thofe counties, excufing the fufferers; and 
I fuppofe the fame is done in other governments. 

. Are 

[A: D.T.] Houfe of Commons in 1766. 257 

^ Are not you concerned in the management 
of the poft-office in America ? 

A. Yes. I am Deputy Pofl-Mafter General of 
North America. 

^. Don't you think the diftribution of flamps, 
by poft, to all the inhabitants, very practicable, 
if there was no oppolition ? 

A. The pofts only go along the fea-coafts ; 
they do not, except in a few inftances, go back 
into the country - t and if they did, fending for 
flamps by poft would occaiion an expence of 
poftage, amounting, in many cafes, to much 
more than that of the flamps themfelves. 

<^. Are you acquainted with Newfoundland? 

A. I never was there. 

^. Do you know whether there are any pod- 
roads on that ifland ? 

A. I have heard that there are no roads at all -, 
but that the communication between one fettle- 
men t and another is by fea only. 

^ Can you difperfe the flamps by poft in 
Canada ? 

A. There is only a poft between Montreal and 
Quebec. The inhabitants live fo fcattered and re 
mote from each other, in that vaft country, that 
pofts cannot be fupported among them, and there 
fore they cannot get flamps per poft. The^////6 
colonies too, along the frontiers, are very thinly 

i^. From the thinnefs of the back fettlements, 
would not the Stamp Act be extremely inconve 
nient to the inhabitants, if executed ? 

L 1 A. To 

258 Examination of Dr. Franklin before the 

A. To be fure it would ; as many of the in 
habitants could not get flamps when they had oo 
cafion for them, without taking long journeys, 
and fpending perhaps three or four pounds, that 
the crown might get lixpence. 

^. Are not the colonies, from their circum- 
ilances, very able to pay the ftamp duty. 

A. In my opinion, there is not gold and filver 
enough in the colonies to pay the ftamp duty for 
one year *. 

^. Don't you know that the money arifing from 
the ftamps was all to be laid out in America ? 

A. I know it is appropriated by the adt to the 
American fervice ; but it will be fpent in the con 
quered colonies, where the foldiers are; not in the 
colonies that pay it. 

^. Is there not a balance of trade due from the 
colonies where the troops are pofted, that will 
bring back the money to the old colonies ? 

* [' The Stamp Aft fays, that the Amtricant mall have no com- 
' merce, make no exchange of property with each other, neither 
' purchafe nor grant, nor recover debts ; they fhall neither marry 
' nor make their wills, unlefs they pay fuch and fuch Aims' in 
fpecie for the ftamps which muft give validity to the proceedings. 
The operation of fuch a tax, had it obtained the confent of the peo 
ple, appeared inevitable; and its annual produ&ivenefs, if I re 
collect well, was eftimated by its propofer in the houfe of commons 
at the committee for fupplies, at 1 00,000 l.Jlerling. The colonies 
being already reduced to the neceffity of having paper-money, by 
fending to Britain the fpecie they collected in foreign trade, in order 
to make up for the deficiency of their other returns for Britain's ma- 
fadures ; there were doubts where could remain ihe/fecie fuificient 
to anfwer the tax. &] 

i A. I 

[A: D.T.] Houfe of Commons in 1766. 259 

A. I think not. I believe very little would 
come back. I know of no trade likely to bring 
it back. I think it would come from the colonies 
where it was fpent, directly to England; for I 
have always obferved, that in every colony the 
more plenty the means of remittance to England, 
the more goods are fent for, and the more trade 
with England carried on, 

4>. What number of white inhabitants do you 
think there are in Penfylvania ? 

A. I fuppofe there may be about one hundred 
and iixty thoufand. 

j^ What number of them are Quakers ? 

A. Perhaps a third. 

^. What number of Germans ? 

A. Perhaps another third 5 but I cannot fpeak 
with certainty. 

^3 Have any number of the Germans feen fer- 
vice, as foldiers, in Europe ? 

A. Yes, many of them, both in Europe and 

<^. Are they as much diflatisfied with the flamp 
duty as the Englijh ? 

A. Yes, and more; and with reafon, as their 
ftamps are* in many cafes, to be double *. 

^ How 

* [The Stamp Aft provides that a double duty Ihould be laid 
where the inftrument, proceedings, &c. fliall be engroffed, writ- 
' ten, or printed, within the faid colonies and plantations in any 
* other than the Englijh language.' This meafure, I prefume, ap 
peared tobefijggefted by motives of convenience, and the policy 
of aflimihting perfons of foreign to thofe of Britijb defcent, and> 

LI z preventing 

260 Examination of Dr. Franklin before tht 

^. How many white men do you fuppofe there 

are in North America ? ' 

A. About three hundred thoufand, from fix- 
teen to fixty years of age *. 

. J J. 6 

^. What may be the amount of one year's 
imports into Penfylvania from Britain ? 

A. I have been informed that our merchants 
compute the imports from Britain to be above 

4>. What may be the amount of the produce 
of your province exported to Britain ? 

A. It muft be fmall, as we produce little that 
is wanted in Britain. I fuppofe it cannot exceed 
4 o,ooo/. 

<^. How then do you pay the balance ? 

A. The balance is paid by our produce car 
ried to the Weft Indies (and fold in our own iilands, 
or to the French, Spaniards, Danes, andDutch;) 
by the fame ["produce] carried to other colonies 
in North America, (as . to New England, Nova 
Scotia, Newfoundland, Carolina, and Georgia j) 

preventing their interference in the conduct of law bufinefs till 
this change fhould be effected It feems however to have been 
deemed too precipitate, immediately to extend this claufe to new 
ly-conquered countries. An exemption therefore was granted, in, 
this particular, with refpeft to Ccnada anu Grenada, for the fpace 
of five years, to be reckoned from the commencement of the duty. 
(See the Stamp Aft.) E.] 

* [Strangers excluded, fome parts of the northern colonies doubli 
their numbers in fifteen or fixteen years ; to the fouthward the; 
are longer: but taking one with another, .hey have doubled b 
natural generation only, once in twenty- five years. Penfylvanw 
I believe, . i.luding ftr angers- has doubled in about fixteen years.- 
The calculation for February 1766, will not then fuit 1779. E. 


[A: D.T.] Houfe of Commons in 1766. 261 

by the fame, carried to different parts of Europe, 
(as Spain, Portugal, and Italy.) In all which 
places we receive either money, bills of exchange, 
or commodities that fuit for remittance to Britain j 
which, together with all the profits on the induf- 
try of our merchants and mariners, arifmg in thole 
circuitous voyages, and the freights made by 
their mips ; center finally in Britain to difcharge 
the balance, and pay for Britifh manufactures 
continually ufed in the province, or fold to foreign 
ers by our traders. 

5^. Have you heard of any difficulties lately 
laid on the Spanifh trade ? 

A* Yes, I have heard that it has been greatly 
obftructed by fome new regulations ; and by the 
Englifh men of war and cutters ftationed all along 

the cbaft in America. 


<^. Do you think it right that America fhoiild 
be protected by this country, and pay no part of 

>ui_ a . ' . ' i . ' * 

the expence r 

A. That is not the cafe. , The colonies raifed, 
clothed, and paid, during the lafl war, near 

twenty-five thoufand men, and fpent many mil- 

-,. * 


<^. Were you not reimburfed by parliament ? 

A* We were only reimburfed, what, in your 
opinion, we had advanced beyond our proportion, 
or beyond what might reafonably be expected 
from us ; and it was a very fmall part of what 
we fpent. Penjylvania, in particular, difburfed 


262 Examination of Dr. Franklin before the 

about 500,000 /. and the reimburfements, in the 
whole, did not exceed 6o,ooo/. 

<^. You have faid that you pay heavy taxes in 
Penfyhania -, what do they amount to in the 
pound ? 

A. The tax on all eftates, real and perfonal, 
is eighteen pence in the pound, fully rated j and 
the tax on the profits of trades and profeflions, 
with other taxes, do, I fuppofe, make full 
half-a-crown in the pound. 

^. Do you know anything of the rate of ex 
change in Penjylvania, and whether it has fallen 
lately ? 

A. It is commonly from one hundred and fe- 
venty to one hundred and feventy-five. I have 
heard that it has fallen lately from one hundred 
and feventy-five to one hundred fixty-two and a 
half ; owing, I fuppofe, to their leflening their 
orders ' for goods > and when their debts to this 
country are paid, I think the exchange will 
probably be at par. 

^. Do not you think the people of America 
would fubmit to pay the ftamp duty, if it was 
moderated ? 

A. No, never, unlefc compelled by force of 

<^. Are not the taxes in Peniylvania laid on 
unequally, in order to burthen the Englifh trade j 
particularly the tax on profeffions and buiinefs? 

A. It 

[A: D.T.] Houfe of Commons in 1766. 263 

A. It is not more burthenfome in proportion, 
than the tax on lands. It is intended, and fup- 
pofed to take an equal proportion of profits. 

^. How is the aflembly compofed ? Of what 
kinds of people are the members j landholders 
or traders ? 

A. It is compofed of landholders, merchants, 
and artificers. 

^. Are not the majority landholders ? 

A. I believe they are. 

^ Do not they as much as poflible, mift the 
tax off from the land, to eafe that ; and lay the 
burthen heavier on trade ? 

A. I have never underftood it fo. I never 
heard fuch a thing fuggefted. And indeed an 
attempt of that kind could anfwer no purpofe. 
The merchant or trader is always flailed in fi 
gures, and ready with his pen and ink. If un 
equal burthens are laid on his trade, he puts an 
additional price on his goods; and the confu- 
mers, who are chiefly landholders, finally pay 
the greateft part, if not the whole. 

^. What was the temper of America towards 
Great Britain before the year 1763 ? * 

* [In the year 1733' for the welfare and profperity of our 
' fogar colonies in America,' and ' for remedying difcouragements 
' of planters ;' duties were ' given and granted* to George the 
Second upon all rum, fpirits, molaffes, fyrups, fugar, and paneles 
of foreign growth, produce, and manufacture, imported into our 
colonies. This regulation of trade, for the benefit of the general 
empire was acquiefced in, notwithflanding the introduction of the 
novel terms ' give and grant.' But the act, which was made only 
for the term of five years, and had been federal times renewed in 
the reien of George the Second, and once in the reign of George the 


264 Examination of Dr. Franklin before the 

A. The beft in the world. They fubmitted 
willingly to the government of the crown, and 
paid, in all their courts, obedience to a&s of par 
liament. Numerous as the people are in the fe- 
veral old provinces, they coft you nothing in forts, 
citadels, garrifons or armies, to keep them in fub- 
jection. They were governed by this country at 
the expence only of a little pen, ink, and paper : 
They were led by a thread. They had not only 
a refpect, but an affection for Great Britain ; for 
its laws, its cufloms and manners j and even a 
fondnefs for its fafhions, that greatly increafed the' 
commerce. Natives of Britain were always treated 
with particular regard ; to be an Old England-man 
was, of itfelf, a character of fome refpecl:, and 
gave a kind of rank among us. 

<^. And what is their temper now ? 

A. O, very much altered. 

Third ; was renewed again in the year 1763, in the reign of George 

the Third, and extended to other articles, uponnenu and altered grounds. 

It was ftated in the preamble to this aft, * that it was expedient that 
new provisions and regulations fhould be eftablimed for improving 
the revenue of this kingdom ;' ' that it was juft and neceffary that a 
revenue fhould be raifed in America for defending, protecting 
and fecuring the fame ;' * and that the commons of Great Britain 

defirous of making fome provifion towards raijing- 

the faid revenue in America, have refolved to give and grant to 
hisMajefty the feveral rates and duties, &c.' Mr. Mauduit, agent 
or MafTachufett's Bay, tells us that he was inftrufted' in the fbllow- 
ng terms to oppofe Mr. Grenville's taxing fyftem : ' You are to 
remonftrate againft theie meafures, and if poffible .to obtain a re 
peal of the Sugar Aft, and prevent the impofition of any further 
duties or taxes on the colonies. Meafures will be taken that you 
may be joined by all the other agents. Bofton, June 14, 1764.' 
The queftion propofed to Dr. Franklin alludes to this Sugar Aft; 

in 1 763. Dr. Franklin's anfwer appears to deferve the beft attention 

of the reader. E.] 


[A:D.T.] Houfe of Commons in 1-766. 

<^. Did you ever hear the authority of parlia 
ment to make laws for America quefUoned till 
lately ? 

A. The authority of parliament was allowed to 
be valid in all laws, except fuch as mould lay 
internal taxes. It was never difputed in laying 
duties to regulate commerce. 

<^ In what proportion hath population increafed 
in America ? 

A. I think the inhabitants of all the provinces 
together, taken at a medium, double in about 
twenty-five years. But their demand for Britifh 
manufactures increafes much fatter ; as the con- 
fumption is not merely in proportion to their 
numbers, but grows with the growing abilities 
of the fame numbers to pay for them. In 1723, 
the whole importation from Britain toPenfylvania, 
was but about- 15,000!. fterling ; it is now near 
half a million. 

^. In what light did the people of America 
ufe to confider the parliament of Great Britain ? 

A. They confidered the parliament as the great. 
bulwark and fecurity of their liberties and privi 
leges, and always fpoke of it with the utmoft re- 
fpecT: and veneration. Arbitrary minifters, they 
thought, might poffibly, at times, attempt to op- 
prefs them > y but they relied on it, that the par 
liament on application, would always give redrefs. 
They remembered, with gratitude, a ftrong in- 
ftance of this ; when a bill was brought into par 
liament, with a claufe, to make royal inflruclions. 

M m laws 

2 66 'Examination of Dr. Franklin before tfie 

laws in the colonies; which the houfe of commons 
would not pafs, and it was thrown out. 

^ And have they not flill the fame refpect for 
.parliament ? A. No ; it is greatly lefTened. 

^. To what caufes is that owing ? 

A. To a concurrence of caufes -, the reftraints 
lately laid on their trade, by which the bringing 
of foreign gold and filver into [the] colonies was 
prevented ; the prohibition of making paper-mo 
ney among themfelves * - y and then demanding 
a new and heavy tax by flamps ; taking away, 
at the fame time, trials by juries, and refuting 
to receive and hear their humble petitions. 

^ Don't you think they would fubmit to the 
Stamp Acl, if it wa& modified, the obnoxious 
parts taken out, and th duty reduced to fome 
particulars, of fmall morrent ? 

A. No 3 they will never fubmit to it. 

5^. What do you think is the reafon that the 
people in America increafe fafter than in Eng 
land ? 

A. Becaufe they marry younger, and more 

% Why fo ? 

A. Becaufe any young couple that areinduf- 
trious, may eafily obtain land of their own, on 
which they can raife a family -f-. 

* [Some of the colonies have been reduced to the neceffity of bar 
tering, from the. want of a medium of traffic. See p. 209. E.J. 

f [See The Thoughts on the Peopling, of Countries, p. i, & fej. of 
this colleclion^ E.J 


[A : D. T.J Houfe of Commons in 1766. 267 

^ Are not the lower rank of people more at 
their eafe in America than in England ? 

A. They may be fo, if they are fober and 
diligent j as they are better paid for their labour. 

<^. What is your opinion of a future tax, im- 
pofed on the fame principle with that of theStamp 
Adi ; how would the Americans receive it ? 

A. Juft as they do this. They would not 
pay it. 

4J. Have not you heard of the refolutions'of 
this houfe, and of the houfe of Lords, afTerting 
the right of parliament relating to America, in 
cluding a power to tax the people there ? 

A. Yes, I have heard of fuch refolutions, 

^ What will be the opinion of the Americans 
on thofe refolutions ? 

A. They will think them unconstitutional and 

^ Was it an opinion in America before 1763, 
that the parliament had no right to lay taxes and 
duties there ? 

A. I never heard any objection to the right of 
laying duties to regulate commerce ; but a right 
to lay internal taxes was never fuppofed to be in 
parliament, as we are not reprefented there. 

<^. On what do you found your opinion, that 
the people in America made any fuch distinction ? 

A. I know that whenever the fubjecl: has oc 
curred in converfation where I have been prefent, 
it has appeared to be the opinion of every one, that 
we could not be taxed in a parliament where we 

M m 2 were 

268 Examination of Dr. Franklin before the 

were not reprefented. But the payment of duties 
laid by act of parliament as regulations of com 
merce, was never difputed. 

^. But can you name any act of aflembly, or 
public act of any of your governments, that made 
fuch diflinction ? 

A. I do not know that there was any ; I think 
there was never an occafion to make any fuch act, 
till now that you have attempted to tax us ; that 
has occafioned refolutions of aiTembly, declaring 
the diflinction ; in which I think every aflembly 
on the continent, and every member in every 
aflembly, have been unanimous. 

<^. What then could occafion converfations on 
that fubject before that time ? 

A, There was in 1754 a propofition made (I 
think it came from hence) that in cafe of a war, 
which was then apprehended, the governors of 
the colonies mould meet, and order the levying 
of troops, building of forts, and taking every 
other neceflary meafure for the general defence ; 
and mould draw on the treafury here for the fums 
expended; which were afterwards to be raifedin 
the colonies by a general tax, to be laid on them 
by atf oj parliament. This occafioned a good deal 
of converfation on the fubject; and the general 
opinion was, that the parliament neither would 
nor could lay any tax on us, till we were duly 
reprefented in parliament ; becaufe it was not jufl* 
nor agreeable to the nature of an Englifh confli- 
tution J. 

t [See p. 94, and p. 120 et feq. EJ 

. Don't 

[A: D.T.] Houfe of Commons in 1766. 269 

Q. Don't you know there was a time in New 
York, when it was under confideration to make 
an application to parliament to lay taxes on that 
colony, upon a deficiency arifing from the afTem- 
bly's refuting or neglecting to raife the neceflary 
fupplies for the fupport of the civil government ? 

A. I never heard of it. 

<^. There was fuch an application under con- 
fideration in New York ; and do you apprehend 
they could fuppofe the right of parliament to lay 
a tax in America was only local, and confined ta 
the cafe of a deficiency in a particular colony, by 
a refufal of its aflembly to raife the neceflary fup 
plies ? 

A. They could not fuppofe fuch a cafe, as 
that the afTembly would not raife the necefTary 
fupplies to fupport its own government. An af- 
fembly that would refufe it muft want common 
fenfe ; which cannot be fuppofed. I think there 
was never any fuch cafe at New York, and that 
it muft be a mifreprefentation, or the fact muft 
be mifunderftood. I know there have been fome 
attempts, by minifterial instructions from hence, 
to oblige the aiTemblies to fettle permanent fala- 
ries on governors, which they wifely refufed to- 
do ; but I believe no afTembly of New York, or 
any other colony, ever refufed duly to fupport 
government by proper allowances, from time to 
time, to public officers* 

^. But in cafe a governor, acting by inftruc- 

tion, Should call on an afTembly to raife the ne- 

3 ceffary 

270 Examination of Dr. Franklin before the 

ceflary fupplies, and the affembly fhould refufc 
to- do- it -, do you npfc think it would then be for 
the good of the people of the colony, as well as 
necefTary to government, that the parliament 
fhould tax them ? 

A. I do not think it would be necefTary. If 
an aflembly could poffibly be fo abfurd as to re- 
fufe railing the fupplies requifite for the main 
tenance of government among them, they could 
not long remain in fuch a fituation - y the difor- 
ders and confufion occaiioned by it muft foon 
bring them to reafon. 

^. If it mould not, ought not the right to be 
in Great Britain of applying a remedy ? 

A. A right, only to be ufed in fuch a cafe, I 
fhould have no objection to ; fuppofing it to be 
ufed merely for the good of the people of the colony. 

Q. But who is to judge of that, Britain or 
the colony ? 

A. Thofe that feel can beit judge. 

^. You fay the colonies have always fubmitted 
to external taxes, and object to the right of par 
liament only in laying internal taxes j now can 
you mew that there is any kind of difference be~ 
tween the two taxes to the colony on which they 
may be. laid ? 

A. I think the difference is very great. An 
externalize, is a duty laid on commodities import 
ed ; that duty is added to the rirft coft and other 
charges on the commodity, and when it is offered 
to fale, makes a part .of the price. If the people 


[A:T).T.] Btttfe of 'Commons in 1766. 271 

do not like it at that price, they refufe it ; they 
are not obliged to pay it. But an internal tax. is 
forced from the people without their confent, if 
not laid by their own reprefentatives. The ftamp 
aft fays, we lhall have no commerce, make no 
exchange of property with each other, neither 
1 purchafe nor grant, nor recover debts ; we mall 
neither marry nor make our wills, unlefs we pay 
fuch and fuch fums j and thus it is intended to 
extort our money from us, or ruin us by the con- 
fequences of refuting to pay it. 

^. But fuppofing the internal tax or duty to 
be laid on the necerTaries of life imported into 
your colony, will not that be the fame thing in 
its effects as an internal tax ? 

A. I do not know a fingle article imported 
into the northern colonies, but what they can 
either do without, or make themfelves. 

^. Don't you think cloth from England ab- 
folutely neceffary to them ? 

A. No, by no means abfolutely necefTary; 
with induftry and good management, they may 
very well fupply themfelves with all they want. 

4^. Will it not take along time to eftablim that 
manufacture among them ; and muft tney not in 
the mean while fuffer greatly ? 

A* I think not. They have made a furprifing 
progrefs already. And I am of opinion, that be 
fore their old clothes are worn outj they will have 
new ones of their own making. 


272 'Examination of Dr. Franklin before the 

^. Can they poflibly find wool enough in North 
America ? 

A. They have taken fleps to increafe the wool. 
They entered into general combinations to eat no 
more lamb ; and very few lambs were killed lafl 
year. This courfe perfifted in, will foon make a 
prodigious difference in the quantity of wool. 
And the eftablifhing of great manufactories, like 
thofe in the clothing towns here, is not necelTary, 
as it is where the bufinefs is to be carried on for 
the purpofes of trade. The people will all fpin, 
and work for themfelves, in their own houfes. 

^. Can there be wool and manufacture enough 
in one or two years ? 

A. In three years, I think, there may. 

<^. Does not the feverity of the winter, in the 
northern colonies, occafion the wool to be of 
bad quality ? 

A. No ; the wool is very fine and good. 

^. In the more fouthern colonies, as in Vir 
ginia, don't you know that the wool is coarfe, and 
onJy a kind of hair ? 

A. I don't know it. I never heard it. Yet 
I have been fometimes in Virginia. I 'cannot 
fay I ever took particular notice of the wool 
there, but I believe it is good, though I cannot 
fpeak pofitively of it ; But Virginia, and the co 
lonies fouth of it, have lefs occafion for wool ; 
their winters are fhort, and not very fevere -, and 
they can very well clothe themfelves with linen 
and cotton of their own railing for the reft of the 

. Are 

[A: D.T.] Houfe of Commons in 1766. 273 

^ Are not the people in the more northern 
colonies obliged to fodder their fheep all the 
winter ? 

A. In fome of the moft northern colonies 
they may be obliged to do it, fome part of the 

j^ Confidering the refolutions of parliament *, 
as to the right - y do you think, if the ftamp acl: 
is repealed, that the North Americans will be 
fatisfied ? 

A. I believe they will. 

^. Why do you think fo ? 

A. I think the refolutions of right will give 
them very little concern, if they are never at 
tempted to be carried into practice. The colo 
nies will probably confider themfelves in the 
fame fituation, in that refpeft, with Ireland; 
They know you claim the fame right with re 
gard to Ireland, but you never exercife it. And 
they may believe you never will exercife it in 
the colonies, any more than in Ireland , unlefs 
on fome very extraordinary occafion. 

^ But who are to be the judges of that ex 
traordinary occafion ? Is not the parliament ? 

A. Though the parliament may judge of the 
occafion ; the people will think it can never ex 
ercife fuch right, till reprefentatives from the 
colonies are admitted into parliament 5 and that 
whenever the occafion arifes, reprelentatives will 
be ordered. 

* [Afterwards exprefled in the Declaratory- Aft. E.] 

Nn Did 

274 Examination of Dr. Franklin before the 

^. Did you never hear that Maryland, during 
the laft war, had refufed to furniih a quota to 
wards the common defence ? 

A. Maryland has been much mifreprefented 
in that matter. Maryland, to my knowledge, 
never refufed to contribute, or grant aids to the 
crown. The afTemblies every year, during the 
war, voted confiderable fums, and formed bills 
to raife them. The bills were, according to the 
conftitution of that province, fent up to the coun 
cil, or upper houfe, for concurrence , that they 
might be prefented to the governor, in order 
to be enacted into laws. Unhappy difputes be 
tween the two houfes arifmg from the defects 
of that conftitution principally, rendered all the 
bills but one or two abortive. The proprietary's 
council rejected them *. It is true, Maryland did 
not contribute its proportion ; but it was, in my 
opinion, the fault of the government, not of 
the people. 

<^. Was is not talked of in the other provinces 
as a proper meafure to apply to parliament to 
compel them ? 

A. 1 have heard fuch difcourfe ; but as it was 
well known, that the people were not to blame, 
no fuch application was ever made, nor any ftep 
taken towards it. 

<g. Was it not propofed at a public meeting ? 

A . Not that I know of. 

^. Do you remember the aboliming of the 
paper currency in New England, by act of af- 
fembly ? 

* [See more under th head of Provincial Papm. E. ] 

[A: D.T.] Houfe of Commons in 1766. 275 

A. I do remember its being abolifhed, in the 
M attach ufett's Bay. 

> Was not Lieutenant Governor Hutchinfon 
principally concerned in that tranfaction ? 

A. I have heard fo. 

<^ Was it not at that time a very unpopular 
law ? 

A. I believe it might, though I can fay little 
about it, as I lived at a diftance from that pro 

^ Was not \hzfcarcity of gold and Jiher an 
argument ufed againft aboliming the paper ? 

A . I fuppofe it was *. 

^. What is the prefent opinion there of that 
law ? Is it as unpopular as it was at firft ? 

A. I think it is not. 

<3>. Have not inftructions from hence been fome- 
times fent over to governors, highly oppreflive and 
unpolitical ? 

A. Yes. 

^. Have not fome governors difpenfed with 
them for that reafon ? 

A* Yes } I have heard fb. 

^ Did the Americans ever difpute the con- 
trouling power of parliament to regulate the 
commerce ? 

A. No. 

^. Can any thing lefs than a military force 
carry the Stamp AcT: into execution ? 

* [See the anfwer to the report of the board of trade, p. 207-9. ^0 

N n 2 A. I 

276 Emmmatiw of Dr. Franklin before the 

A. I do not fee how a military force can be 
applied to that purpofe. 

^j Why may it not ? 

A. Suppofe a military force fent into America, 
they will find nobody in arms ; what are they 
then to do ? They cannot force a man to take 
jftamps who choofes to do without them. They 
will not find a rebellion : they may indeed make 

Q. If the act is not repealed, what do you 
think will be the confequences ? 

A. A total lofs of the refpect and affection 
the people of America bear to this country j and 
of all the commerce that depends on that refpect 
and affection. 

<^. How can the commerce be affected ? 

A. You will find, that if the act is not re 
pealed, they will take very little of your manu 
factures in a fhort time. 

4*. Is it in their power to do without them ? 

A. I think they may very well do without 

4J. Is it their intereft not to take them ? 

A. The goods they take from Britain are 
either neceffaries, mere conveniences, or fuper- 
fluities. The firft, as cloth, &c. with a little 
induitry they can make at home $ the fecond 
they can do without, till they are able to pro 
vide them among themfelves; and the laft, 
which arc much the greateft part, they will 
ftrike off immediately. They are mere articles 


[A:D.T.] Houfe of Commons in 1766. 277 

of famion ; purchafed and confumed, becaufe 
the famion in a refpedted country ; but will now 
be detefted and rejected . The people have al 
ready (truck off, by general agreement, the ufe 
of all goods fafhionable in mournings ; and ma 
ny thoufand pounds worth are fent back as un- 

<%j Is it their intereft to make cloth at home ? 

A. I think they may at prefent get it cheaper 

from Britain, I mean of the fame finenefs and 
n ^^*-/^ ^f w v> Kmanmip 3 out when one con- 

fiders other circumftances, the reftraints on their 
trade, and the difficulty of making remittances, 
it is their intereft to make every thing. 

j^. Suppofe an aft of internal regulations 
connected with a tax, how would they receive 

A. I think it would be objected to. 

<^. Then no regulation with a tax would be 
fubmitted to ? 

A. Their opinion is, that when aids to the 
crown are wanted, they are to be afked of the 
feveral afTemblies, according to the old efta- 
blifhed ufage ; who will, as they always have 
done, grant them freely. And that their money 
ought not to be given away, without their con- 
fen t, by peribns at a diftance, unacquainted with 
their circuniicances and abilities. The grant 
ing aids to the crown, is the only means they 
have of recorn mend ing themfelves to their fo- 
vereign ; .and they think it extremely hard and 


278 Examination of Dr. Franklin before the 

unjuft, that a body of men, in which they have 
no representatives, mould make a merit to it- 
felf of giving and granting what is not its own, 
but theirs ; and deprive them of a right they 
efteem of the utmoft value and importance, as 
it is the fecurity of all their other rights. 

^. But is not the port-office, which they have 
long received, a tax as well as a regulation ? 

A. No ; the money paid for the poftage of a 

** < f\t t\\a. t-> it-tit-/^ f\t i <-ov it IQ nif^relv a 
quantum meruit for a fervice done ; no perfon is 
compellable to pay the money, if he does not 
choofe to receive the fervice. A man may ftill, 
as before the adt, fend his letter by a fervant, a 
fpecial meflenger, or a friend ; if he thinks it 
cheaper and fafer. 

<^. But do they not confider the regulations of 
the pott-office, by the adt of lafl year, as a tax ? 

A. By the regulations of laft year the rate of 
poftage was generally abated near thirty per cent, 
through all America j they certainly cannot con 
fider fuch abatement as a tax. 

^. If an excife was laid by parliament, which 
they might likewife avoid paying, by not con- 
fuming the articles excifed; would they then 
not objecl: to it ? 

A. They would certainly objecl: to it, as an 
excife is unconnected with any fervice done, and 
is merely an aid -, which they think ought to be 
afkedofthem, and granted by them, if they are 
to pay it -, and can be granted for them by no 


[A:D.T.] Houfe of Commons in 1766. 279 

others whatfoever, whom they have not irnpow- 
ered for that purpoie. 

59. You fay they do not object to the right 
of parliament, in laying duties on goods to be 
paid on their importation -, now, is there any 
kind of difference between a duty on the im 
portation of goods, and an excife on their con- 
fumption ? 

A. Yes -, a very material one : an excife, for 
the reafons I have juft mentioned, they think you 
can have no right to lay within their country. 
But tbejeais yours; you maintain, by your fleets, 
the fafety of navigation in it, and keep it clear of 
pirates ; you may have therefore a natural and 
equitable right to iome toll or duty on merchan 
dizes carried through that part of your dominions, 
towards defraying the expence you are at, in {hips 
to maintain the fafety of that carriage. 

^. Does this reafoning hold in the cafe of a 
duty laid on the produce of their lands exported ? 
And would they not then objedt to fuch a duty ? 

A. If it tended to make the produce fo much 
dearer abroad as to leffen the demand for it, to be 
fure they would objecl: to fuch a duty 5 Not to your 
right of laying it; but they would complain of it 
as a burthen, and petition you to lighten it. 

^. Is not the duty paid on the tobacco exported, 
a duty of that kind ? 

A. That, I think, is only on tobacco carried 
coaft-wife from one colony to another, and ap 

2 So Examination of Dr. Franklin before the 

preprinted as a fund for fupporting the college at 
"Williamfburgh, in Virginia. 

<^. Have not the aflemblies in the Weft Indies 
the fame natural rights with thofe in North Ame 
rica ? 

A. Undoubtedly. 

<^. And is there not a tax laid there on their 
fugars exported ? 

A. I am not much acquainted with the Weft 
Indies ; but the duty of four and a half per cent, 
on fugars exported, was, I believe, granted by 
their own afTemblies * ? 

5^. How much is the poll-tax in your pro 
vince laid on unmarried men ? 

A. It is, I think fifteen millings, to be paid 
by every fingle freeman, upwards of twenty- 
one years old. 

^. What is the annual amount of all the 
taxes in Penfylvania ? 

A. I fuppofe about 20,000!. fterling. 

^. Suppofing the Stamp. Aft continued, and 
enforced, do you imagine that ill-humour will 
induce the Americans to give as much for worfe 
manufactures of their own, and ufe them, pre 
ferably to better of ours ? 

A. Yes, I think fo. People will pay as free 
ly to gratify one paffion as another, their re- 
fentment as their pride. 

<^. Would the people at Bofton difcontinue 
their trade ? A. The 

* [See the note to Lord Howe's letter to our author. E.] 

[A: D.T.] Houfe of Commons in 1766. 281 

A. The merchants are a very fmall number 
compared with the body of the people, and muft 
difcontinue their trade, if nobody will buy their 

^. What are the body of the people in the 
colonies ? 

A. They are farmers, hufbandmen, or plan 

^. Would they fufFer the produce of their 
lands to rot ? 

A. No 5 but they would not raife fo much. 
They would manufacture -more, and plow 

Q. Would they live without the adminiftra- 
tion of juflice in civil matters, and fuffer all the 
inconveniencies of fuch a fituation for any con- 
fiderable time, rather than take the ftamps ; fup- 
pofing the ftamps were protected by a fufficient 
force, where every one might have them ? 

A. I think the fuppofition impracticable, that 
the flamps mould be fo protected as that every 
one might have them. The act requires fub- 
diflributors to be appointed in every county 
town, diftrict, and village ; and they would be 
neceffary. But the principal diflributors, who 
were to have had a confiderable profit on the 
whole, have not thought it worth while to con 
tinue in the office -> and I 'think it impofTible to 
find fub-diftributors fit to be trufted, who, for 
the trifling profit that muft come to their hare, 
would incur the odium, and run the hazard that 

O o would 

282 Examination of Dr. Franklin before the 

would attend it ; and if they could be found, I 
think it impracticable to protect the {lamps in 
ib many diftant and remote places. 

4Jj. But in places where they could be pro 
tected, would not the people ufe them rather 
than remain in fuch a lituation, unable to ob 
tain any right, or recover, bylaw, any debt ? 

A. It is hard to fay what they would do. I 
can only judge what other people will think, 
and how they will act, by what I feel within 
myfelf. I have a great many debts due to me 
in America, and I had rather they mould re 
main unrecoverable by any law, than fubmit 
to the Stamp Act. They will be debts of ho 
nour. It is my opinion the people will either 
continue in that fituation, or find fome way to 
extricate themfelves, perhaps by generally agree 
ing to proceed in the courts without ftamps. 

<^. What do you think a fuflicient military 
force to protect the diftribution of the ftamps 'in 
every part of America ? 

A . A very great force ; I can't fay what, if 
the difpofition of America is for a general re- 

^. What is the number of men in America 
able to bear arms, or of difciplined militia ? 

A. There are, I fuppofe, at leaft 

\^uejiion objected to. He withdrew. Catted in 

^ Is the American Stamp Act an equal tax on 
the country ? 

A. I think not. ^ Why 

[A: D.T.] Houfe of Commons in 1766. 283 

4>. Why fo ? 

A. The greateft part of the money muft a- 
rife from law-iuits tor the recovery of debts ; 
and be paid by the lower fort of people, who 
were too poor e?(ily to pay their debts. It is 
therefore a heavy tax on the poor, and a tax 
upon them for being poor. 

^ But will not this increafe of expence be a 
means of leflening the number of law-fuits ? 

A. I think not ; for as the cofts all fall upon 
the debtor, and are to be paid by him, they would 
be no difcouragement to the creditor to bring his 

<^. Would it not have the effect of excefUvc 
ufury ? 

A. Yes, as an oppreffion of the debtor. 


<^. How many mips are there laden annually 
in North America with flax-feed for Ireland ?. 

A. I cannot ipeak to the number of mips, but 
I know that in 1752* t en 'thoufand hogmeads of 
flax-feed, each containing feven bumels, .were 
exported from Philadelphia to Ireland. I fuppofe 
the quantity is greatly increafed iince that time ; . 
and it is underftood that the exportation from 
New York is equal to that from Philadelphia. 

^. What becomes of the flax that grows with 
that flax-feed ? 

A. They manufacture fome into coarfe, and 
fome into a middling kind of linen. 

^ Are there 2ny jlit ting-mills in America J? 

- t [i. e. Mills for the flittftig of iron. E.J 

O o 2 A. I 

284 Examination of Dr. Franklin before the 

A. I think there are three, but I believe only 
one at prefent employed. 1 fuppofe they will all 
be fet to work, if the interruption of the trade 

<^ Are there way fulling-mills there ? 

A. A great many. 

<^. Did you never hear that a great quantity of 
Jtockings were contra&ed for, for the army, during 
the war, and manufactured in Philadelphia ? 

A. I have heard fo. 

<^. If the Stamp- Aft mould be repealed, would 
not the Americans think they could oblige the par 
liament to repeal every external tax-law now in 
force ? 

A. It is hard to anfwer queftions of what pepple 
at fuch a diftance will think. 

^. But what do you imagine they will think 
were the motives of repealing the aft ? 

A. I fuppofe they will think that it was re 
pealed from a conviction of its inexpediency -, and 
they will rely upon it, that while the fame inex 
pediency fubfifts, you will never attempt to make 
fuch another, 

<^. What do you mean by its inexpediency ? 

A. I mean its inexpediency on feveral accounts ? 
the poverty and inability of thofe who were to pay 
the tax j the general difcontent it has occalioned ; 
and the impracticability of enforcing it. 

^. If the adl mould be repealed, and the legi- 
flature mould mew its refentment to the oppofers 
of the Stamp-Aft, would the colonies acquiefce 


[A: D.T.] Houfe of Commons in ij 66. 285 

in the authority of the legiflature ? What is your 
opinion they would do ? 

A. I don't doubt at all, that if the legiflature 
repeal the Stamp-Act, the colonies will acquiefce 
in the authority. 

^. But if the legiflature (hould think fit to af- 
certain its right to lay taxes, by any act laying a 
fmall tax, contrary to their opinion ; would they 
fubmit to pay the tax ? 

A. The proceedings of the people in America 
have been conlidered too much together. The 
proceedings of the afTemblies have been very dif 
ferent from thofe of the mobs ; and mould be 
diftinguimed, as having no connection with each 
other. The aflemblies have only peaceably refolved 
what they take to be their rights : they have taken 
no meafures for oppofition by force, they have not 
built a fort, raifed a man, or provided a grain of 
ammunition, in order to fuch oppofition. The 
ring-leaders of riots they think ought to be pu- 
nimed; they would punifh them themfelves, if 
they could. Every fober, fenfible man would wifli 
to fee rioters punifhed, as otherwife peaceable 
people have no fecurity of perfon or eftate. But 
as to an internal tax, how fmall foever, laid by 
the legiflature here on the people there, while 
they have no reprefentatives in this legiflature, I 
think it will never be fubmitted to : they will op- 
pofe it to the laft. They do not confider it as at 
all neceflary for you to raife money on them by 
your taxes 3 becaufe they are, and always Have 

i been, 

286 Examination of Dr. Franklin before the 

been, ready to raife money by taxes among them- 
felves, and to grant large fums, equal to their 
abilities ; upon requifition from the crown. They 
have not only granted equal to their abilities ; 
but, during all the laft war, they granted far be 
yond their abilities, and beyond their proportion 
with this country, (you yourfelves being judges,) 
to the amount of many hundred thoufand pounds; 
And this they did freely and readily, only on a 
fort of promife, from the fecretary of ilate, that 
it mould be recommended to parliament to make 
them compenfation. It was accordingly recom 
mended to parliament, in the moft honourable 
manner for them. -America has been greatly 
mifreprefented and abufed here, in papers, and 
pamphlets, and fpeeches, as ungrateful, and 
unreafonable, and unjuft j in having put this na 
tion to immenfe expence for their defence, and 
refuling to bear any part of that expence. The 
colonies raifed, paid, and clothed, near twenty- 
five thoufand men during the laft war -, a num 
ber equal to thofe fent from Britain, and far 
beyond their proportion 5 they went deeply into 
debt in doing this, and all their taxes and eftates 
are mortgaged, for many years to come, for 
difcharging that debt. Gqvernment here was at 
that time very fenlible of this. The colonies 
were recommended to parliament. Every year 
the King fent down to the houfe a written mef- 
fage to this purpofe, ' That his Majefty, being 
c highly fenfible of the zeal and vigour with 
' which his faithful fubjects in North Ame- 
i * rica 

[ A : D . T . ] Houfe rf Commons in 1 7 6 6 . 287 

' rica had exerted themfelves, in defence of his 
' Majefly's jufl rights and pofTeffions ; recom- 
' mended it to the houfe to take the fame into 
* confederation, and enable him to give them a 
' proper compenfation.' You will find thofe 
mefluges on your own journals every year of 
the war to the very laft -, and you did according 
ly give 2oo,oooL annually to the crown, to be 
diftributed in fuch compenfation to the colonies. 
This is the ftrongeft of all proofs that the colo 
nies, far from being unwilling to bear a fhare of 
the burthen, did exceed their proportion ; for 
if they had done lefs, or had only equalled their 
proportion, there would have been no room or 
realbn for compenfation. Indeed the fums re- 
imburfed them, were by no means adequate to 
the expence. they incurred beyond their propor 
tion : but they never murmured at that ; they 
efteem their Sovereign's approbation of their 
zeal and fidelity, and the approbation of this 
houfe, far beyond any other kind of compen 
fation ; therefore there was no occafion for this 
act, to force money from a willing people : 
they had not refufed giving money for the pur- 
pofes of the ad: ; no requifition had been made ; 
they were always willing and ready to do what 
could reafonably be expected from them, and in 
this light they wilh to be confidered. 

^. But fuppofe Great Britain mould be en 
gaged in a 'war in Europe, would North Ame 
rica contribute to the fupport of it ? 

A. I 

288 Examination of Dr. Franklin before the 

A. I do think they would, as far as their cir- 
cumltances would permit. They confider them- 
felves as a part of the Britim empire, and as 
having one common intereft with it : they may 
be looked on here as foreigners, but they do not 
confider themfelves as fuch. They are zealous 
for the honour and profperity of this nation ; 
and, while they are well ufed, will always be 
ready to fupport it, as far as their little power 
goes. In 1739 they were called upon to afTift 
in the expedition againft Cartbagcna, and they 
fent three thoufand men to join your army*. 
It is true Carthagena is in America, but as re 
mote from the northern colonies, as if it had been 
in Europe. They make no diftinclion of wars, 
as to their duty of aflifting in them. I know 
the loft war is commonly fpoke of here as en 
tered into for the defence, or for the fake of the 
people in America. I think it is quite mifun- 
derftood. It began about the limits between 
Canada and Nova Scotia; about territories to 
which the crown indeed laid claim, but [which] 
were not claimed by any Britim colony-, None 
of the lands had been granted to any colonift ; 
we had therefore no particular concern or intereft 
in that difpute. As to the Ohio, the conteil 
there began about your right of trading in the 
Indian country, a right you had by the treaty 
of Utrecht, which the French infringed ; they 

[* Admiral Vernon and General Wentworth commanded this 
expedition j with what fuccefs, is well known. E.] 


[A: D.T.] Houfe of Commons in 1766. 289 

feized the traders and their goods, which were 
your manufactures ; they took a fort which a 
company of your merchants, and their factors 
and correfpondents, had erected there, to fecure 
that trade. Braddock was fent with an army 
to re-take that fort (which was looked on here 
as another incroachment on the King's territory) 
and to protect your trade. It was not till after 
his defeat that the colonies were attacked*. 
They were before in perfect peace with both 
French and Indians j the troops were not there 
fore fent for their defence. The trade with the 
Indians, though carried on in America, is not 
an American inter eft. The people of America are 
chiefly farmers and planters - t fcarce any thing that 
they raife or produce is an article of commerce 
with the Indians. The Indian trade is a Britijh 
inter eft ; it is carried on with Britim manufactures, 
for the profit of Britim merchants and manufac 
turers ; therefore the war, as it commenced for 
the defence of territories of the crown (the pro 
perty of no American) and for the defence of a 
trade purely Britim, was really a Britifh war 
and yet the people of America made no fcruple 
of contributing their utmoft towards carrying 
it on, and bringing it to a happy conclusion. 

* [When this army was in the utmoft diftrefs from the want of 
waggons, &c. our author and his fon voluntarily traverfed the coun 
try, in order to colleft a fufficient quantity ; and they had zeal 
and addrefs enough to efFeft their purpofe, upon pledging them- 
felves, to the amount of many thoufand pounds, for payment. It 
was butjuft before Dr. Franklin's laft return to America, that the 
accounts in this tranfaftion were parted at home. E.] 

P p ^ Do 

29 Examination of Dr. Franklin before the 

^ Do you think then that the taking polTeffion 
of the King's territorial rights, and flrengthenlng 
the frontiers, is not an American intereft ? 

A. Not particularly ; but conjointly a Britifli 
and an American intereft. 

^. You will not deny that the preceding war, 
the 'war with Spain, was entered into for the fake 
of America ; was it not occajioned by captures made 
in the American feas ? 

A. Yes ; captures of mips carrying on the Bri- 
tilh trade there with Britiih -manufactures. 

^ Was not the late 'war with the Indians, Jince 
the peace with France, a war for America only ? 

A. Yes -, it was more particularly for America 
than the former -, but it was rather a confequence 
or remains of the former war, the Indians not 
having been thoroughly pacified , And the Ameri 
cans bore by much the greatefl mare of the ex- 
pence. It was put an end to by the army under 
General Bouquet; there were not above three 
hundred regulars in that army, and above one 
thoufand Penfylvanians. 

^. Is it not necefTary to fend troops to America, 
to defend the Americans againft the Indians ? 

A . No, by no means ; it never was neceflary. 
They defended themfelves when they were but an 
handful, and the Indians much more numerous. 
They continually gained ground, and have driven 
the Indians over the mountains, without any troops 
fent to their affiftance from this country. And 
can it be thought necefTary now to fend troops for 


[A: D.T.] Houfe of Commons in 1766. 291 

their defence from thofe diminimed Indian tribes, 
when the colonies are become fo populous, and 
fo ftrong ? There is not the leaft occafion for it ; 
they are very able to defend themfelves. 

4\ Do you fay there were no more than three 
hundred regular troops employed in the late In 
dian war ? 

A. Not on the Ohio, or the frontiers of Pen- 
fylvania, which was the chief part of the war that 
affected the colonies. There were garrifons at 
Niagara, Fort Detroit, and thofe remote pofts 
kept for the fake of your trade ; I did not reckon 
them; but I believe that on the whole the number 
of Americans, or provincial troops, employed in 
the war, was greater than that of the regulars. I 
am not certain, but I think fo. 

^, Do you think the afTemblies have a right to 
levy money on the fubjed: there, to grant to the 
crown ? 

A. I certainly think fo ; they have always done 

<^. Are they acquainted with the declaration of 
rights ? And do they know that, by that ftatute, 
money is not to be raifed on the fubject but by con- 
fent of parliament ? 

A. They are very well acquainted with it. 

^. How then can they think they have a 
right to levy money for the crown, or for any 
other than local purpofes ? 

A. They understand that claufe to relate to 
fubjects only within the realm ; that no money 

P p 2 can 

292 Examination of Dr. Franklin before the 

can be levied on them for the crown, but by 
confent of parliament. The colonies are not 
fuppofed to be within the realm ; they have af- 
femblies of their own, which are their parliaments, 
and they are, in that refpect, in the fame fituation 
with Ireland. When money is to be raifed for 
the crown upon the fubject in Ireland, or in the 
colonies ; the confent is given in the parliament 
of Ireland, or in the affemblies of the colonies. 
They think the parliament of Great Britain can 
not properly give that confent, till it has repre- 
fentatives from America ; for the petition of right 
exprefsly fays, it is to be by common confent in par 
liament -, and the people of America have no re- 
prefentatives in parliament, to make a part of 
that common confent. 

<^. If the Stamp A<fl mould be repealed, and 
an acl: mould pafs, ordering the affemblies of 
the colonies to indemnify the fufferers by the 
riots, would they obey it ? 

A. That is a queftion I cannot anfwer. 

5^. Suppofe the King mould require the co 
lonies to grant a revenue, and the parliament 
ihould be againft their doing it ; do they think 
they can grant a revenue to the King, 'without 
the confent of the parliament of Great Britain ? 

A. That is a deep queflion. As to my own 
opinion, I mould think myfelf at liberty to 
do it, and ihould do it, if I liked the occafion. 

> When 

[A: D.T.] Houfe of Commons m 1766. 293 

<^. When money has been raifed in the colo 
nies, upon requifitions, has it not been granted 
to the King ? 

A. Yes, always ; but the requifitions have ge 
nerally been for fome fervice exprefled, as to raife, 
clothe, and pay troops ; and not for money only. 

-<^. If the act mould pafs, requiring the Ame 
rican afTemblies to make compenfation to the fuf- 
ferers, and they mould difobey it -, and then the 
parliament mould, by another act, lay an internal 
tax ; would they then obey it ? 

A. The people will pay no internal tax > and I 
think an act to oblige the aiTemblies to make com 
penfation is urmecefTary ; for I am of opinion, that 
as foon as the prefent heats are abated, they will 
take the matter into confideration, and if it is right 
to be done, they will do it of themfelves. 

<^. Do not letters often come into the poft- 
ofHces in America, directed to fome inland towa 
where no poft goes ? 

A. Yes. 

j^. Can any private pcrfon take up thofe let 
ters, and carry them as directed ? 

A. Yes ; any friend of the perfon may do it,, 
paying the poftage that has accrued. 

. But muft not he pay an additional poftage 
for the diftance to fuch inland town ? 

A. No. 

4>. Can the poft-mafter anfwer delivering the 
letter, without being paid fuch additional , pof 
tage ? 

A. Cer- 

294 Examination of Dr. Franklin before, the 

A. Certainly he can demand nothing, where 
he does no fervice. 

4>. Suppofe a perfon, being far from home, 
finds a letter in a poft-office directed to him, 
and he lives in a place to which the poft ge-, 
nerally goes, and the letter is directed to that 
place - y will the poft-mafter deliver him the let 
ter, without his paying the portage receivable 
at the place to which the letter is directed. 

A. Yes ; the office cannot demand poftage 
for a letter that it does not carry, or farther 
than it does carry it. 

^ , 

4Jj Are not ferrymen in America obliged, 
by act of parliament, to carry over the pofts with 
out pay ? 

A. Yes. 

4>3 Is not this a tax on the ferrymen ? 

A. They do not confider it as fuch, as they 
have an advantage from perfons travelling with 

the ooft ^ 

^. If the Stamp-Act mould be repealed, and 
the crown mould make a requifition to the colo 
nies for a fum of money, would they grant it ? 

A. I believe they would. 

^ Why do you think fo ? 

A . I can fpeak for the colony I live in ; I 
had it in injiruttion from the arTembly to af- 
fure the miniftry, that as they always had done, 
fo they mould always think it their duty, to 
grant fuch aids to the crown as were fuitable to 
their circumftances and abilities; whenever call- 

* [The feveral perfons travelling together, make one trouble, E.] 


[A: D.T.] Houfe of Commons in 1766. 29.5 

ed upon for that purpofe, in the ufual confti- 
tutional manner; and 1 had the honour of com 
municating this inftruclion to that honourable 
gentleman then minifler *. 

^. Would they do this for a Britt/h concern j 
as fuppofe a war in fome part of Europe, that 
did not affed them ? 

A. Yes, for any thing that concerned the 
general intereft. They confider themfelves as 
part of the whole. 

4^ What is the ufual constitutional manner of 
calling on the colonies for aids ? 

A. A letter from the fecretary of ftate. 

* [ I take the following to be the hiftory of this tranfadtion. 

Until 1763, and the years following, whenever Great Britain 
wanted fupplies direftly from the colonies, the fecretary of ftate, in 
his Majefty's name, fent them a letter of requifttion, in which the 
occafion for the fupplies was exprefled ; and the colonies returned a 
free gift, the mode of levying which they wholly prefciibed. At this 
period, a chancellor of the exchequer, (Mr. George Grenville) fteps 
forth and fays to the houfe of commons We muft call for money from 
the colonies in the way of a tax ; and to the colony-agents, write to 
your federal colonies ; and tell them, if they dijlike a duty upon ftamps, 
and prefer any other method of raifeng the money themfelves, 1 Jhall be con 
tent, provided the amount be but raifed. ' That is,' obferved the colo 
nies, when commenting upon his terms, ' if we will not tax ourfelves, 
* as <we may be directed, the parliament will tax us.' Dr Franklin's 
inftrudions, fpoken of above, related to this gracious option. As 
the colonies could not choofe ' another tax,' while they difclaimed 
every tax ; the parliament pafled the Stamp- Aft. 

It feems that the only part of the offer which bore a fhew of favour, 
was the grant of the mode of levying, and, this was the only circum- 
ftance which was not neiv. 

See Mr. Mauduit's account of Mr. Grenville's conference with 
the agents, confirmed by the agents for Georgia and Virginia ; and 
Mr. Burke's fpeech in 1774, p. 55. E.] 


296 Examination of Dr. Franklin before the 

^. Is this all you mean -, a letter from the fe- 
cretary of flate ? 

A. I mean the ufual way of requifition ; in a 
circular letter from the fecretary of flate, by his 
Majefty's command ; reciting the occafion, and 
recommending it to the colonies to grant fuch 
aids as became their loyalty, and were fuitable 
to their abilities. 

^. Did the fecretary of flate ever write for 
money for the crown ? 

A. The requifition s have been to raife, clothe 
and pay men, which cannot be done without 

<^. Would they grant money alone, if called 

A. In my opinion they would, money as well 
as men ; when they have money, or can make it. 

4^ If the parliament mould repeal the Stamp- 
Ac!:, will the aflembly of Penfylvania refcind their 
refolutions ? 

A. I think not. 

4>. Before there was any thought of the Stamp- 
Act, did they wifh for a reprefentation in parlia 
ment ? 

A. No. 

<^. Don't you know that there is, in the Pen- 
fyfaania charter, an exprefs refervation of the right 
of parliament to lay taxes there ? 

A. I know there is a claufe in the charter, by 
which the King grants that he will levy no taxes 


[A:D.T.] Houfe of Commons in 1766. 297 

on the inhabitants, unlefs it be with the confent 
of the aflembly, or by a6l of parliament. 

^. How then could the aflembly of Penfylvania 
aflert, that laying a tax on them by the Stamp-Ad: 
was an infringement of their rights ? 

A. They underftand it thus : By the fame char 
ter, and otherwife, they are intitled to all the pri 
vileges and liberties of Englifhmen : they find in 
the great charters, and the petition and declaration 
of rights, that one of the privileges of Englim fub- 
jecls is, that they are not to be taxed but by their 
common confent; they have therefore relied upon 
it, from the firft fettlement of the province, that 
the parliament never would, nor could, by colour 
of that claufe in the charter, afTume a right of tax 
ing them, till it had qualified itfelf to exercifc 
fuch right ; by admitting reprefentatives from the 
people to be taxed, who ought to make a part of 
that common confent. 

^. Are there any words in the charter that juf- 
tify that conftru&ion ? 

A. The common rights of Englifhmen, as de 
clared by Magna Charta, and the petition of right ; 
all juftify it. 

4>. Does the diftin&ion between internal and 
external taxes exift in the words of the charter ? 

A. No, I believe not. 

4>. Then may they not, by the fame interpre 
tation, object to the parliament's right of external 
taxation ? 

A. They never have hitherto. Many argu 
ments have been lately ufed here to fhew them 


298 Examination of Dr. Franklin before the 

that there is no difference, and that if you have 
no right to tax them internally, you have none to 
tax them externally, or make any other law to 
bind them. At prefent they do not reafon fo; 
but in time they may pombly be convinced by 
thefe arguments. 

^. Do not the refolutions of the Penfylvania 
a/Terribly fay all taxes ? 

A. If they do, they mean only internal taxes j 
the fame words have not always the fame meaning 
here and in the colonies. By taxes they mean in 
ternal taxes ; by duties they mean cuftoms; Thefe 
are their ideas of the language. 

<^. Have you not feen the refolutions of the 
Maffachufett's Bay affembly ? 

A. I have. 

<^. Do they not fay, that neither external 
nor internal taxes can be laid on them by par 
liament ? 

A. I don't know that they do ; I believe 

^. If the fame colony fhould fay neither tax 
nor impofition could be laid, does not that pro 
vince hold the power of parliament can lay 
neither ? 

^. 'I fuppofe that by the word impofition, 
they do not intend to exprefs duties to be laid 
on goods imported, as regulations of commerce. 

- ^ What can the colonies mean then by im 
pofition as diftinft from taxes ? 

A. They 

[A: D.T.] Uoufe of Commons in 1766. 299 

A. They may mean many things ; as im- 
preffing of men, or of carriages^ quartering 
troops on private houfes, and the like; there 
may be great impofitions that are not properly 

<^3 Is not the poft-offi.ce rate an internal tax 
laid by act of parliament ? 
A. I have anfwered (that. 

^ Are all parts of the colonies equally able 
to pay taxes ? 

A. No, certainly ; the frontier parts, which 
have been ravaged by the enemy, are greatly 
difabled by that means; and therefore, in fuch 
cafes, are ufually favoured in our tax-laws. 

^ Can we, at this diftance, be competent 
judges of what favours are neceffary ? 

A. The parliament have fuppofed it, by 
claiming a right to make tax-laws for America : 
I think it impoflible. 

^. Would the repeal of the Stamp-Ad be 
any difcouragement of your manufactures ? Will 
the people that have begun to manufacture de 
cline it ? 

A. Yes, I think they will; efpecially if, at 
the fame time, the trade is opened again, fo 
that remittances can be ealily made. I have 
known feveral inftances that make it probable. 
In the war before laft, tobacco being low, and 
making little remittance, the people of Virginia 
went generally into family-manufactures. Af- 

2 terwards, 

300 Examination of Dr. Franklin before the 

terwards, when tobacco bore a better price, 
they returned to the ufe of Britim manufac 
tures. So fulling-mills were very much difufed 
in the laft war in Pen/ylvania, becaufe bills were 
then plenty, and remittances could ealily be 
made to Britain forEnglifh cloth and other goods. 

4>. If the Stamp- Ad mould be repealed, would 
it induce the aflemblies of America to acknow 
ledge the rights of parliament to tax them, and 
would they erafe their refolutions ? 

A. No, never. 

^. Is there no means of obliging them to erafc 
thofe refolutions ? 

A. None, that I know of -, they will never do 
it, unlefs compelled by force of arms. 

Q. Is there a power on earth that can force 
them to erafe them ? 

A . No power, how great foever, can force men 
to change their opinions. 

<$>. Do they confider the pott-office as a tax, 
or as a regulation ? 

A. Not as a tax, but as a regulation and con- 
veniency ; every ajjemhly encouraged it, and fup- 
ported it in its infancy, by grants of money, which 
they would not otherwife have done; and the 
people have always paid the poftage. 

^. When did you receive the inftrudtions you 
mentioned * ? 

A. I brought them with me, when I came to 
England, about fifteen months fince, 

* [See p. 294. E.] 

[A: D.T.] Houfe of Commons in 1766. 301 

<3>. When did you communicate that inftruction 
to the minifter ? 

A. Soon after my arrival, while the damping 
of America was under confi deration, and before 
the bill was brought in. 

>. Would it be moft for the intereft of Great 
Britain, to employ the hands of Virginia in to 
bacco, or in manufactures ? 

A. In tobacco, to be fure. 

4>. What ufed to be the pride of the Americans ? 

A. To indulge in the fafhions and manufactures 
of Great Britain. 

<^. What is now their pride ? 

A. To wear their old clothes over again, till 
they can make new ones. 


302 Queries 'from Mr. S T R A H A N, 



Dear S i R, Nov. 21, 1769. 

TN.the many converfations we have had together 

about our prefent difputes with North America, 
we perfectly agreed in wifhing they may be 
brought to a fpeedy and happy conclulion. How 
this is to be done, is not fo eaiily afcertained. 

Two objefts, I humbly apprehend, his Majefty's 
fervants have now in contemplatipn. ift. _To re 
lieve the colonies from the taxes complained of, 
which they certainly had no hand in impoling. 
2dly, To preferve the honour, the dignity, and 
the fupremacy of the Britifh legiflature over all 
his Majefty's dominions. 

As I know your fingular knowledge of the fub- 
ject in queftion, and am as fully convinced of your 
cordial attachment to his Majefty, and your fincere 
defire to promote the happinefs equally of all his 
fubjects; I beg you would in your own clear, brief, 
and explicit manner, fend me an anfwer to the 
following queftions: I make this requeft now, be- 
caufe this matter is of the utmoft importance, and 
muft very quickly be agitated. And I do it with 

* [ Thefe letters have often been copied into our public prints. 
Mr. Strahan, the correfpondent, is printer to the King, and now 
reprefentative in parliament for Malmfbury in Wiltfhire. An inti 
macy of long Handing had fubfifted between him and Dr. Franklin. 


[A: D.T.] with Dr. FranklinV Anfwers. 303 

the more freedom, as you know me and my mo 
tives too well to entertain the moft remote fufpi- 
cion that I will make an improper ufe of any in 
formation you mail hereby convey to me. 

i ft. Will not a repeal of all the duties (that on 
tea excepted, which was before paid here on ex 
portation, and ofcourfeno new impofition) fully 
fatisfy the colonifts * ? If you anfwer in the ne 

2d. Your reafons for that opinion ? 

3d. Do you think the only effectual way of 
compofing the prefent differences, is to put the 
Americans preciiely in the fituation they were in 
before the paffing of the late Stamp- Act ? If that 
is your opinion, 

4th. Your reafons for that opinion ? 

5th. If this laft method is thele- 
giflature, and his Majefty's minifters, to be re 
pugnant to their duty, as guardians- of the juft 

. . * [In the year 1767, for the exprefs purpofe of raiting a, revenue 
in America ; glafs, red-lead, white-lead, painters colours, paper, 
and tea (which laft article was fubjedl to various '^//z^-i'mpofitions) 
became charged by aft of parliament, with new permanent, duties 
payable in the American ports. Soon after, in the fame feffions, (the 
Eaft India Company promifing indemnification ; fop the experiment,) 
a temporary alteration was made with refpeft to the home cuftoms or 
excife upon certain teas ; in the hope that a deduction, in the nominal 
impofition, by producing a more extended confumption, would .give 
an increafed fum to the exchequer. Mr. Strahan, comparing only 
the amounts of the impofed American duty, and the deducted, home- 
duty, determines that the Americans had fuftered no new impofition. 
The Americans, it feems, thought otherwife. Had we eftablifiied 
this precedent for a revenue, we thought we had every thing to hope; 
yet we affec"t furprife, when the colonies avoided an acquiefcence, 
which by parity of reafoning gave them every thing to fear. E.] 


304 Queries from Mr. S T R A H A N, 

rights of the crown and of their fellow-fubjects ; 
can you fugged any other way of terminating 
thefe difputes coniiftent with the ideas of juftice 
and propriety conceived by the King's fubjecls 
on both iides of the Atlantic ? 

6th. And if this method was actually followed, 
do you not think it would actually encourage the 
violent and factious part of the colonifts to aim at 
(till farther conceffions from the mother-country ? 

7th. If they are relieved in part only, what do 
you, as a reafonable and difpaflionate man, and an 
equal friend to both fides, imagine will be the 
probable confequences ? 

The anfwers to thefe queftions, I humbly con 
ceive, will include all the information I want j 
and I beg you will favour me with them as foon 
as may be. Every well-wimer to the peace and 
profperity of the Britim empire, and every friend 
to our truly-happy conftitution, muft be defirous 
of feeing even the mod trivial caufes of diffen- 
fion among our fellow-fubjects removed. Our 
domeftic fquabbles, in my mind, are nothing 
to what I am fpeaking of. This you know much 
better than I do, and therefore I need add no 
thing farther to recommend this fubject to your 
ferious consideration. I am, with the moft cor 
dial efteem and attachment, dear Sir, your faith 
ful and affectionate humble Servant, 

W. S. 

[A: D.T.] with Dr. Franklin's Anfwers. 305 

Dear SIR, Craven Street, Nov. 29, 1769. 

BEING juft returned to town from a little 
excurlion, I find yours of the 21 ft, containing a 
number of queries that would require a pam 
phlet to anfwer them fully. You, however, de- 
fire only brief anfwers, which I mail endeavour 
to give. 

Previous to your queries, you tell me, that 
you apprehend his Majefty's fervants have now 
in contemplation, ift. to relieve the colonifts 
from the taxes complained of; 2. to preferve 
the honour, the dignity, and the fupremacy 
of the Britifh legislature over all his Majefty's 
dominions/ I hope your information is good : 
and that what you fuppofe to be in contemplation, 
will be carried into execution, by repealing all 
the laws that have been made for raifing a revenue 
in America by authority of parliament without 
the confent of the people there. The honour and 
dignity of the Britifli legiflature will not be hurt 
by fuchan aft of juftice and wifdom. The wifeft 
councils are liable to be milled, efpecially in mat 
ters remote from their infpedtion . It is the per- 
fifting in an error, not the correcting it, that 
leflens the honour of any man or body of men. 
The fupremacy of that legiflature, I believe, 
will be befl preferved by making a very fparin^ 

R r ufe 

306 Queries from Mr. S T R A u A N, 

ufe of it ; never but for the evident good of the 
colonies themfelves, or of the whole Britim em 
pire 5 never for the partial advantage of Britain 
to their prejudice. By fuch prudent conduct, I 
imagine that fupremacy may be gradually ftrength- 
ened, and in time fully eftablimed; but other- 
wife, I apprehend it will be difputed, and lofl 
in the diipute. At prefent the colonies confent 
and fubmit to it, for the regulations of general 
commerce; but a fubmiffion to a6ts of parliament 
was no part of their original conflitution. Our for 
mer kings governed their colonies as they had 
governed their dominions in France, without the 
participation of Britim parliaments. The par 
liament pf England never prefumed to interfere in 
that prerogative till the time of the great rebellion, 
when they ufurped the government of all the 
King's other dominions, Ireland, Scotland, &c. 
The colonies that held for the King, they con 
quered by force of arms, and governed after 
wards as conquered countries: but New Eng 
land having not oppofed the parliament, was con- 
lidered and treated as a fifter-kingdom in amity 
with England (as appears by the Journals, March 
10, 1642.) 

i ft. ' Will not a repeal of all the duties 

* (that on tea excepted, which was before paid 

* here on exportation, and of courfe no new im- 

* pofition) fully fatisfy the colonifts ?' 
Anfwer, I think not. 

2d. ' Your reafons for that opinion ?' 
A. Becaufe it is not the fum paid in that du 
ty on tea that is complained of as a burden, but 

fA: D.T.] 'with Dr. Franklin',r./4;z/wn. 307 

the principle of the ad: exprefled in the pre 
amble -, viz. That thole duties were laid for the 
better fupport of government, and the adminif- 
tration of juftice in the colonies *. This the co- 
lonifts think unnecerTary, unjuft, and "danger 
ous to their moft important rights. Unneceffary, 
becaufe in all the colonies (two or three new 
ones excepted -f-) government and the admihi* 
tration of juftice were, and always had been, 
well fupported without any charge to Britain : 
urijuft) ,as it has made fuch colonies liable to pay 
fuch charge for others (- in which they had no 
concern . or intereft : ! dangerous^ as fuch mode 
of raifmg money for thofe purpofes tended to ren- 
.der their afTemblies ufelefs ; for if a revenue could 
be raifed in the colonies for all the purpofes of 
government by act of parliament, without grants 
from the people there, governors, who do not 
generally love aflemblies, would never call them : 
they would be laid afidej and when nothing 
fhould depend on the people's good-will to go 
vernment, their rights would be trampled on ; 
they would be treated with contempt. Another 
reafon why I think they would not be fatisfied 
with fuch a partial repeal, is, that their agree- 


* [' Men may lofe little property by an aft which takes away 
all their freedom. When a man is robbed of a trifle on the 
highway, it is not the two-pence loft that makes the capital out 
rage.' * Would twenty millings have ruined Mr. Hampden's 
fortune ? No ! but the payment of half twenty millings, on the 
principle it was demanded, would have made him a flave.' See 
Mr. Burke's fpeechesin i774and 1775. E.] 

[f Nova Scotia, Georgia, theFloridas, and Canada. E.] 

R r 2 ments 

3 o8 Queries from Mr. S T R A H A N, 

ments not to import till the repeal takes place, 
include the whole ; which fhews that they object 
to the whole ; and thofe agreements will continue 
binding on them, if the whole is not repealed. 

3d. ' Do you think the only effectual way of 
' compoling the prefent differences, is to put the 

* Americans precifely in the fituation they were in 

* before the pafling of the late ftamp-act ? ' 
A. I think fo. 

4th. ' Your reafons for that opinion ? ' 
A. Other methods have been tried. They have 
been rebuked in angry letters. Their petitions 
have been refufed or rejected by parliament. They 
have been threatened with the punimments of 
treafon by refolves of both houfes. Their afTem- 
blies have been difTolved, and troops have been 
fent among them : But all thefe ways have only 
exafperated their minds and widened the breach. 
Their agreements to ufe no more Britim manu 
factures have been ftrengthened ; and thefe mea- 
'fures, inftead of competing differences, and pro*- 
moting a good correfpondence, have almoft anrii*- 
hilated your commerce with thofe countries, and 
greatly endanger the national peace and general 

5th. ' If this laft method is deemed by the 
legiflature and his Majefty's minifters to be re 
pugnant to their duty as guardians of the juft 
rights of the crown, and of their fellow-fub- 
jects ; can you fuggeft any other way of termi 
nating thefe difputes, confiftcnt with the ideas 
of juftice and propriety conceived by the King's- 
fubjects on both fides the Atlantic ? ' 

[A: D.T.] with Dr. F rankling Anfwers. 309 

A. I do not fee how that method can be deemed 
repugnant to the rights of the crown. If the 
Americans are put into their former fituation, it 
muft be by an act of parliament -, in the pafiing of 
which by the King, the rights of the crown are 
exercifed, not infringed. It is indifferent to the 
crown, whether the aids received from America 
are granted by parliament here, or by the afTem- 
blies there, provided the quantum be the fame ; 
and it is my opinion, that more will be generally 
granted there voluntarily, than can ever be ex 
acted or collected from thence by authority of 
parliament. .As to the rights of fellow -fubjects 
(I fuppofe you mean the people of Britain) lean- 
not conceive how thofe will be infringed by that 
method. They will ftill enjoy the right of grant 
ing their own money, and may frill, if it pleafes 
them, keep up their claim to the right of grant 
ing ours ; a right they can never exercife properly, 
for want of a fufficient knowledge of us, our cir- 
^umftances and abilities (to lay nothing of the 
little likelihood there is that we mould ever fub- 
mit to it) therefore a right that can be of no good 
>fe to them ; and we mall continue to enjoy in 
fact the right of granting our money, with the 
opinion now univerfally prevailing among us, that 
we are free fubjects of the King, and that fellow- 
fu-bjects of one part'of his dominions are not fove 
reigns over fellow-fubjects in any other part. If 
the fubjects on the different fides of the Atlantic 
have different and oppofite ideas of " juftice and. 

" pro- 

3 1 o Queries from Mr. S T R A H A N, 

" propriety," no one ? method" can poffibly 
be confident with both. The beft will be, to 
let each enjoy their own opinions, without ..diflur- 
bing them, when they dp not interfere with the 
common good. 

6th. ' And if this method were adually al- 
' lowed, do you not think it would encourage 
' the violent and factious part of the colonies 
' to aim at ftill farther conceffions from the ino- 
' ther-country ?' 

A. I do not think it would. There may be 
.a few among them that deferve the name of fac 
tious and violent, as there are in ajl countries ; 
but thefe would have little influence, if the great 
majority of fober reafonable people were fatisfied. 
If any colony mould happen to think that fome 
of your regulations of trade are inconvenient to 
the general intereft of the empire, or prejudicial 
to them without being beneficial to you j they 
will ftate thefe matters to parliament in petitions 
as heretofore ; but will, I believe, take no vio 
lent fteps to obtain what they may hope for in 
time from the wifdom of government here. I know 
of nothing elfe they can have in view : the notion 
that prevails here of their being defirous to fet up 
a kingdom or commonwealth of their own, is, 
to my certain knowledge, entirely groundlefs. 
I therefore think, that on a total repeal of all du 
ties, laid exprefsly for the purpofe of railing a 
revenue on the people of America, without their 
confent, the prefent uneaiinefs would fubfide; 


[A:D.T.] with Dr. FranklinV Anjwers. 311 

the agreements not to import would be diflblved ; 
and the commerce flourifh as heretofore ; and I 
am confirmed in this fentiment by all the letters 
I have received from America, and by the opinions 
of all the fenfible people who have lately come 
from thence, crown-officers excepted. I know, 
indeed, that the people of Boflon are grievoufly 
offended by the quartering of troops among them, 
-as they think, contrary to law j and are very 
angry with the Board of Commiffioners who have 
calumniated them to government ; but as I 
fuppofe the withdrawing of thofe troops may be 
a confequence of reconciliating meafures taking 
place -, and that the cormniffion alfo will be either 
diffolved if found ufelefs, or filled with more 
temperate and prudent men, if ftill deemed ufefui 
and necefTary 5 I do not imagine thefe particulars 
would prevent a return of the harmony fo much 
to be wifhed *. 

* [* The oppofition [to Lord Rockingham's adminiftration]' fays 
Lord Chefterfield, ' are for taking vigorous, as they call them, but 
' I call them violent meafures ; not lefs than les dragonades ; and to 
have the tax colle&ed by the troops we have there. For my part, 
I never faw a froward child mended by whipping: and I would not 
have the mother become a ftep-mother.' Letter, No. ^60. 
' Is it a certain maxim,' pleads Mr. Burke, ' that the fewer caufes 
of diflatisfaftion are left by government, the more the fubject will 
be inclined to refift and rebel ? ' ' I confefs I do not feel the leaft 
alarm from the difcon tents which are to arife from putting people 
at their eafe. Nor do I apprehend the deftru&ion of this empire ;; 
from giving, by an aft of free grace and indulgence, to two mil 
lions of my fellow-citizens, fome (hare of thofe rights, upon which 
I have always been taught to value myfelf.' Speeches in 1774. 
and 1775. E.] 


3 1 2 Queries from Mr. S T R A H A N, 

yth. ' If they are relieved in part only, what 
* do you, as a reafonable and diipaffionate man, 
' and an equal friend to both fides, imagine 
' will be the probable confequence ?' 

A. I imagine, that repealing the ofFenfive du 
ties in part will anfwer no end to this country ; 
the commerce will remain obftructed, and the 
Americans go on with their fchemes of fruga 
lity, induftry, and manufactures, to their own 
great advantage. How much that may tend to 
the prejudice of Britain, I cannot fay; per 
haps not fo much as fome apprehend, fince me 
may in time find new markets *. But I think, 
if the union of the two countries continues to 
fubfift, it will not hurt the general intereft j for 
whatever wealth Britain lofes by the failing of 
its trade with the colonies, America will gain j 
and the crown will receive equal aids from its 
fubjects upon the whole, if not greater. 

Arid now I have anfwercd your queftions as to 
what may be, in my opinion, the confequences of 
this or that fuppofed meafurej I will go a lit 
tle further, and tell you what I fear is more like 
ly to come to pafs in reality. I apprehend that 
the miniftry, at leafl the American part of it, 
being fully perfuaded of the right of parliament ; 
think it ought to be enforced, whatever may be 
the confequences ; and at the fame time do riot 
believe, there is even now any abatement of the 

* [Need I, at this period of the work point out marks of our 
author's candor and forefight ? E.] 


[A: D.T.] with Dr. Franklin'* Anfwers. 313 

trade between the two countries on account of 
thefe difputes ; or that if there is, it is fmall, and 
cannot long continue. They are aflured by the 
crown-officers in America, that manufactures are 
impoflible there ; that the difcontented are few, 
and perfons of little confequence ; that almoft all 
the people of property and importance are fatisfied, 
and difpofed to fubmit quietly to the taxing power 
of parliament ; and that, if the revenue-acts are 
continued, and thofe duties only that are called 
anti-commercial be repealed, and others perhaps 
laid in their ftead; power ere long will be patient 
ly fubmitted to, and the agreements not to import 
be broken, when they are found to produce no 
change of meafures here. From thefe and fimi- 
lar misinformations, which feem to be credited, 
I think it likely that no thorough redrefs of grie 
vances will be afforded to America this Seffion. 
This may inflame matters ftill more in that coun 
try - y farther ram meafures there, may create more 
refentment here ; that may produce not merely 
ill-advifed dhTolutions of their affemblies, as laft 
year, but attempts to diffolve their constitution * ; 
more troops may be fent over, which will create 
more uneafinefs ; to juflify the meafures of govern 
ment, your writers will revile the Americans in 
your newfpapers, as they have already begun to 
do ; treating them as mifcreants, rogues, daf- 
tards, rebels, &c. to alienate the minds of the 
people here from them, and which will tend 

* [This was afterwards attempted by the Britifh legiflature, in 
the cafe of the MafTachufett's Bay province. E.] 

S s farther 

314 Queries from Mr. S T R A H A N, &c. 

farther to diminim their affections to this country. 
Poffibly too, fome of their warm patriots may be 
diffracted enough to expofe themfelves by fome 
mad action to befent for hither; and government 
here^be indifcreet enough to hang them, on the 
act of Henry VIII -f-. Mutual provocations will 
thus go on to complete the feparation ; and in {lead 
of that cordial affection that once and fo long ex- 
ifted, and that harmony fo fuitable to the circum- 
ilances, and fo neceflary to the happinefs, ftrength, 
fafety, and welfare of both countries -, an impla 
cable malice and mutual hatred, fuch as we now 
fee fubfifling between the Spaniards and Portu- 
guefe, the Genoefe and Corficans, from the fame 
original mifconduct in the fuperior governments, 
will take place : the famenefs of nation, the fimi- 
larity of religion, manners, and language, not 
in the leafl preventing in our cafe, more than it 
did in theirs. I hope, however, that this may 
all prove falfe prophecy, and that you and I may 
live to fee as iincere and perfect a friendfhip efla- 
blimed between our refpective countries, as has 
fo many years fubfifled between Mr. Strahan, and 
his truly affectionate old friend, 


f [The lords and commons very prudently concurred in an ad- 
drefs for this purpofe ; and the king gracioufly aiTured them of 
his compliance with their wifties. E.] 

[A:D.T.] { 315 


Dantzick, Sept. 5, 1773 *. 

WE have long wondered here at the fupinenefs 
of the Englifh nation, under the P ruffian im- 
pofitions upon its trade entering our port. We did 
not, till lately, know the claims, ancient and 
modern, that hang over that nation j and there 
fore could not fufpect that it might fubmit to 
thofe impofitions from a fenfe of duty, or from 
principles of equity. The following edict, jufl 
made public, may, if ferious, throw fome light 
upon this matter : 

* FREDERICK, by the grace of God, King of 
' Pruffia, 6cc. 6cc. &c. to all prefent and to come J, 
' health. The peace now enjoyed throughout Our 
c dominions, having afforded us leifure to apply 

* Ourfelves to the regulation of commerce, the 

* improvement of Our finances, and at the fame 
' time the eafing Our domeftic fubjefts in their 

* taxes : for thefe caufes, and other good confi- 

* derations Us thereunto moving, We hereby 

* make known, that, after having deliberated 

* thefe affairs in Our council, prefent Our dear 

* brothers, and other great officers of the ftate, 

* [This Intelligence extraordinary, I believe, firft appeared in the 
Public Advertifer. I have reprinted it from a copy which I found 
in the Gentleman's Magazine. E.] 

J A tous prefens et a i/enir. ORIGINAL. 

S s 2 ' members 



members of the fame; We, of Our certain 
knowledge, full power, and authority royal, 
have made and ifTued this prefent edict, viz. 
' Whereas it is well known to all the world, 
that the firft German fettlements made in the 
ifland of Britain, were by colonies of people, 
fubject to Our renowned ducal anceftors, and 
drawn from their dominions, under the conduct 
of Hengift, Horfa, Hella, UfFa, Cerdicus, Ida, 
and others ; And that the faid colonies have 
flourimed under the protection of Our auguft 
houfe, for ages paft ; have never been eman 
cipated therefrom ; and yet have hitherto yielded 
little profit to the fame : And whereas We Our- 
felf have in the laft war fought for and defended 
the faid colonies, again ft the power of France, 
and thereby enabled them to make conquefts 
from the faid power in America ; for which We 
have not yet received adequate compenfation : 
And whereas it is juft and expedient that a re 
venue fhould be raifed from the faid colonies in 
Britain, towards Our indemnification; and that 
thofe who are defcendents of Our ancient fub- 
jects, and thence ftill owe Us due obedience, 
fhould contribute to the replenishing of Our 
royal coffers ; (as they muft have done, had their 
anceftors remained in the territories now to Us 
appertaining) : We do therefore hereby ordain 
and command, That, from and after the date 
of thefe prefents, there fhall be levied, and paid 
to Our officers of the cuftoms, on all goods, 
wares, and merchandizes, and on all grain and 

* other 

[A: D.T.] a/fuming Claims over Britain. 317 

other produce of the earth, exported from the 
faid ifland of Britain, and on all goods of what 
ever kind imported into the fame j a duty of 
four and a half per cent, ad valorem, for the 
ufe of Us and Our fucceflbrs. And that the 
faid duty may more efFeclually be collected, We 
do hereby ordain, that all mips or veflels bound 
from Great Britain to any other part of the 
world, or from any other part of the world to 
Great Britain, mall in their refpective voyages 
touch at Our port of Koningfberg, there to be 
unladen, fearched, and charged with the faid 

' And whereas there hath been from time to 
time difcovered in the faid ifland of Great Britain, 
by our colonifts there, many mines or beds of 
zVw-ftone ; and fundry fubjects of Our ancient 
dominion, fkilful in converting the faid ftone 
into metal, have in time pail tranfported them- 
felves thither, carrying with them and commu 
nicating that art ; and the inhabitants of the faid 
ifland, prefuming that they had a natural right 
to make the beft ufe they could of the natural 
productions of their country, for their own be 
nefit, have not only built furnaces for fmelting 
the faid flone into iron, but have erected pla 
ting-forges, flitting-mills, and fteel-f urn aces, for 
the more convenient manufacturing of the fame; 
thereby endangering a diminution of the faid 
manufacture in Our ancient dominion ; We do 
therefore hereby farther ordain, That, from and 
after the date hereof, no mill or other engine for 

' flitting 


' flitting or rolling of iron, or any plating-forge 
4 to work with a tilt-hammer, or any furnace for 

* making fteel, mall be erected or continued in 
' the faid ifland of Great Britain : And the Lord 
' Lieutenant of every county in the faid ifland is 
' hereby commanded, on information of any fuch 
' erection within his county, to order, and by. 
' force to caufe the fame to be abated and de- 

* flroyed \ as he mail anfwer the neglect thereof 
' to Us at his peril. But we are neverthelefs gra- 
' cioufly pleafed to permit the inhabitants of the 
' faid ifland to tranfport their iron into Pruffia, 
' there to be manufactured, and to them returned; 
' they paying Our Pruffian fubjects for the work- 
' manmip, with all the cofts of commifiion, 
' freight, and rifk, coming and returning ; any 
' thing herein contained to the contrary notwith- 
' {landing. 

* We do not, however, think fit to extend this 
'Our indulgence to the article of woo/} but 
' meaning to encourage not only the manufactur- 

* ing of woollen cloth, but alfo the raifmgof wool, 

* in Our ancient dominions -, and to prevent both, 
' as much as may be, in Our faid ifland, We do 
' hereby abfolutely forbid the tranfportation of 

* wool from thence even to the mother- country, 
s Pruflia : And that thofe iflanders may be far- 
' ther and more effectually reftrained in making 
' any advantage of their own wool, in the way of 
' manufacture, We command that none (hall be 
' carried out of one county into another ; nor 
' fhall any worfled, bay, or woollen-yarn, cloth, 

' fays, 

[A: D.T.] qffuming Claims over Britain. 319 

' fays, bays, kerfeys, ferges, frizes, druggets, 

' cloth -ferges, fhalioons, or any other drapery 

* fluffs, or woollen manufactures whatfoever, 
' made up or mixed with wool in any of the laid 
' counties, be carried into any other county, or 
' be water-borne even acrofs the fmalleft river or 
' creek ; on penalty of forfeiture of the fame, to- 
' gether with the boats, carriages, horfes, &c. 
' that ihall be employed in removing them. 

* Neverthelefs, Our loving fubje<5ts there are 
' hereby permitted (if they think proper) to ufe 
' all their wool as manure, for the improvement 
( of their lands. 

' And whereas the art and myftery of making 
' hats hath arrived at great perfedion in Pruffia ; 
' and the making of hats by Our remoter fubjedts 

* ought to be as much as poffible retrained : And 
' forafmuch as the iilanders before mentioned, be- 
' ing in pofTeffion of wool, beaver, and other furs, 
' have prefumptuoufly conceived they had a right 
' to make fome advantage thereof, by manufac- 
' turing the fame into hats, to the prejudice of 

* Our domeflic manufacture : We do therefore 
' hereby ftrictly command and ordain, that no 

* hats or felts whatfoever, dyed or undyed, fi- 
' nifhed or unfinimed, fhall be loaden or put into 

* or upon any veflel, cart, carriage, or horfe ; 
' to be tranfported or conveyed out of one county 

* in the faid ifland into another county, or to any 
' other place whatfoever, by any perfon or perfons 
' whatfoever; on pain of forfeiting the fame, with 

* a penalty of five hundred pounds flerling for 

' every 


' every offence. Nor fhall any hat-maker, in 

* any of the faid counties, employ more than two 
' apprentices, on penalty of five pounds flerling 
' per month : We intending hereby that fuch 

* hatmakers, being fo reftrained, both in the pro- 
' duction and fale of their commodity, may find 
' no advantage in continuing their bufinefs. 
' But, left the faid iflanders mould fuffer incon- 
( veniency by the want of hats, we are farther 
' gracioufly pleafed to permit them to fend their 

* beaver furs to Pruflia ; and We alfo permit 
' hats made thereof to be exported from Pruflia 
' to Britain ; the people thus favoured to pay 
' all cofts and charges of manufacturing, intereft, 
' commiffion to Our merchants, infurance and 
' freight going and returning ; as in the cafe of 

* iron. 

' And laftly, being willing farther to favour 
' our faid colonies in Britain, We do hereby al- 
' fo ordain and command, that all the thieves, 

* highway and ftreet robbers, houfebreakers, 
' forgerers, murderers, f d tes, and villains 
' of every denomination, who have forfeited 
' their lives to the law in Pruffia; but whom 
' We, in Our great clemency, do not think fit 
' here to hang; mail be emptied out of Our 
' gaols into the faid ifland of Great Britain, for 
' the better peopling of that country. 

' We natter ourfelves that theie Our royal 
' regulations and commands will be thought 
' juji and reafonable by Our much - favoured 
s colonifts in England ; the faid regulations be 


[A: D.T.] afjumtng Claims over Britain. 321 

ing copied from their ftatutes of 10 and 11 
Will. III. c. 10. 5 Geo. II. c. 22. 23 
c. 29. 4 Geo. I. c. u. and from other equi 
table laws made by their parliaments ; or from 
inftructions given by their princes, or from 
refolutions of both houfes, entered into for 
the good government of their own colonies m 
Ireland and America. 

' And all perfons in the faid ifland are here 
by cautioned not to oppofe in any wife the 
execution of this Our edicl, or any part thereof, 
fuch oppofition being high-treafon j of which 
all who are fufpe&ed mail be tranfported in. 
fetters from Britain to Pruffia, there to be tried 
and executed according to the Pruffian law. 

Such is Our pleafure. 

Given at Potfdam, this twenty-fifth day 
f of the month of Auguft, One thoufand 
' feven hundred and feventy-three, and in 
* the thirty-third year of Our reign. 

* By the King, in his council. 




Some take this edict to be merely one of the 
King's jfeux d'Efprit : others fuppofe it ferious, 
and that he means a quarrel with England : but 
all here think the afiertion it concludes with, 
' that thefe regulations are copied from acts of 
' the Englifh parliament refpecting their colonies,' 
a very injurious one ; It being impoffible to be 
lieve, that a people diftinguimed for their love 
of liberty ; a nation fo wife, fo liberal in its 
fentiments, fo juft and equitable towards its 
neighbours; fhould, from mean and injudicious 
views of petty immediate profit, treat its own 
children in a manner fo arbitrary and tyrannical ! 


[ 3 2 3 

PREFACE by //^BRITISH EDITOR [Dr. Franklin] 
to ' rfhe 'votes and proceedings of the freeholders) 
' and other inhabitants of the town of Bojlon, 
( in town - meeting affembled according to law 
' (pubtijhed by order of the town), &c *.' 

ALL accounts of the difcontent fo general in 
f^- our colonies, have of late years been induftri- 
oufly fmothered and concealed here -, it feeming 
to fuit the views of the American minifter to 
have it underflood, that by his great abilities, all 
faction was fubdued, all opposition fuppreffed, and 
the whole country quieted. That the true ftate 
of affairs there may be known, and the true caufes 
of that difcontenfwell underftood; the following 

* [' Bofton printed : London reprinted, and fold by J. Wilkie, 
' in St. Paul's Church-yard. 1773.' I have given the reader only 
the preface. 

It is faid, that this little piece very much irritated the miniflry. 
It was their determination, that the Americans mould receive teas 
only from Great Britain. And accordingly the Eaft India company 
fent out large cargoes under their protection. The colonifts every 
where refufed, either entrance, or elfe permiffion of fale; except at 
Bofton ; where, the force of government preventing more moderate 
meafures, certain perfons in difguife threw it into the fea. 

The preamble of the ftamp aft produced the tea aft ; the tea aft 
produced violence ; violence, afts of parliament; afts of parliament, 

a revolt. ' A little negleft,' fays poor Richard, ' may breed great 

' mifchief : for want of a nail the fhoe was loft ; for want of a fhoe 

* the horfe was loft ; for want of a horfe the rider was loft ; being 
' overtaken and {lain by the enemy; all for want of a little care about 

* a horfe-fhoe nail.' E.] 

J [Lord Hilfborough. This nobleman, already firftLord of trade, 
was introduced in 1768 into the new-titled office of Secretary of ftate 
for the colonies. Thefe pofts have fmce gone together. E.] 

T t 2 piece 

324 Concerning the Effeffs of 

piece (not the production of a private writer, but 
the unanimous act of a large American city) lately 
printed in New England ; is republimed here. 
This nation, and the other nations of Europe, 
may thereby learn, with more certainty, the 
grounds of a diffenfion, that pombly may, fooner 
or later, have confequences interesting to them 

The colonies had, from their firft fettlement, 
been governed with more eafe, than perhaps can 
be equalled by any inilance in hiilory of domi 
nions fo diftant. Their affection and refpect 
for this country, while they were treated with 
kindnefs, produced an almoft implicit obedience 
to the inductions of the Prince, and even to 
acts of the Britim parliament j though the right 
of binding them by a legiflature, in which they 
were unreprefented, was never clearly under- 
ftood. That refpect and affection produced a par 
tiality in favour of every thing that was Englifh $ 
Whence their preference of Englim modes and 
manufactures -, their fubmiffion to restraints on 
the importation of foreign goods, which they 
had but little defire to ufe -, and the monopoly 
we fo long enjoyed of their commerce, to the 
great inriching of our merchants and artificers. 
The miftaken policy of the flamp act firft difturb- 
ed this happy fituation -, but the flame thereby 
raifed was foon extinguifhed by its repeal, and 
the old harmony refcored, with all its concomi 
tant advantage to our commerce. The fubfequent 
act of another adminiftration, which, not con- 
i tent 

[A: D.T.] the American TEA-DUTY. 325; 

tent with an eftablifhed exclufion of foreign manu 
factures, began to make our own merchandize 
dearer to the confumers there, by heavy duties ; 
revived it again : and combinations were efTtered 
into throughout the continent, to flop trading 
with Britain till thofe duties mould be repealed. 
All were accordingly repealed but one the duty 
on tea. This was referved (profefledly fo) as a 
{landing claim and exercife of the right aflumed 
by parliament of laying fuch duties *. The colo 
nies, on this repeal, retracted their agreement, 
fo far as related to all other goods, except that 
on which the duty was retained. This was trum 
peted here by the minifler for the colonies as a tri 
umph; There it was coniidered only as a decent and 
equitable meafure, mewing a willingnefs to meet 
the mother-country in every advance towards a 
reconciliation ; and a difpofition to a good un- 
derftanding fo prevalent, that poffibly they might 
foon have relaxed in the article of tea alfo. But 
the fyflem of commiflioners of cufloms, officers 
without end, with fleets and armies for collecting 
and enforcing thofe duties, being continued ; and 
thefe acting with much indifcretion and ramnefs, 
(giving great and unneceflary trouble and ob- 

* [Mr. Burke tells us (in his fpeech in 1774) that this pream- 
bulary tax had loft us at once the benefit of the weft and of the 
eaft ; had thrown open folding-doors to contraband ; and would be 
the means of giving the profits of the colony-trade to every na 
tion, but ourfelves. He adds in the fame place, ' It is indeed a 
*: tax of fophiltry, a tax of pedantry, a tax of difputation, a tax of 
' war and rebellion, a tax for any thing but benefit to the im- 
' pofers, or fatisfa&ion to the fubjecV E.] 


326 -Concerning the Effefts of 

ftruction to bufmefs, commencing unjuft and 
vexatious fuits, and harafling commerce in all 
its branches, while that the minifter kept the 
people in a conftant ftate of irritation by inftruc- 
tions which appeared to have no other end than 
the gratifying his private refentments *,) occa- 
iioned a perfevering adherence to their relblutions 
in that particular : and the event mould be a lef- 
fon to miniiters, not to rifque through pique, 
the obftrucling any one branch of trade -, fmce 
the courfe and connection of general bufmefs 
may be thereby diftnrbed to a degree, impoffible 
to be forefeen or imagined. For it appears that 
the colonies, finding their humble petitions to 
have this duty repealed, were rejected and treated 
with contempt ; and that the produce of the duty 
was applied to the rewarding, with undeferved fa- 
lanes and penfions, every one of their enemies ; 
the duty itfelf became more odious, and their 
refolution to mare it more vigorous and obfti- 
nate. The Dutch, the Danes, and French, 
took this opportunity thus offered them by our 
imprudence ; and began to fmuggle their teas 
into the plantations. At fir ft this was fome- 
thing difficult ; but at length, as all buiinefs is 
improved by practice, it became eafy. A coaft 
fifteen thoufand miles in length could not in 
all parts be guarded, even by the whole navy of 
England ; efpecially where their retraining au 
thority was by all the inhabitants deemed un- 

* Some of his circular letters had been criticized, and expofed 
by one or two of the American affemblies. 


[ArD.T.] the American TEA-DUTY. 327 

conftitutional, the fmuggling of courfe confidered 
as patriotifm. The needy wretches too, who, 
with fmall falaries, were trufted to watch the 
ports day and night, in all weathers, found it 
eafier and more profitable, not only to wink, 
but to fleep in their beds ; the merchants pay 
being more generous than the King's. Other 
India goods alfo, which, by themfelves, would 
not have made a fmuggling voyage fufficiently 
profitable, accompanied tea to advantage; and 
it is feared the cheap French lilks, formerly re 
jected as not to the tafte of the colonies, may 
have found their way with the wares of India; 
and now eftablifhed themfelves in the popular 
ufe and opinion. 

It is fuppofed that at leaft a million of Ame 
ricans drink tea twice a day, which, at the firft 
coft here, can fcarce be reckoned, at lefs than 
half-a-guinea a head per annum. This market, 
that in the five years which have run on lince, 
the act pafTed, would have paid 2,500,000 
guineas for tea alone, into the coffers of the 
company, we have wantonly loft to foreigners. 
Meanwhile it is faid the duties have fo diminifh- 
ed, that the whole remittance of the laft year 
amounted to no more than the pitiful furn of 
85!.* for the expence of fome hundred thou- 
fends, in armed mips and foldiers, , to fupport 

* [' Eighty-five pounds I am allured, my lords, is the whole 

* equivalent, we have received for all the hatred and mifchief, 

* and all the infinite lofles this kingdom has fuffered during that 

* year, in her difputes with North America.' See the Biihop of 
' St. Afaph's intended fpeech. E. J 


-328 Concerning the Ejf'effs of y &c. 

the officers. Hence the tea, and other India 
goods, which might have been fold in Ame 
rica, remain rotting in the company's ware- 
houfes * ; while thofe of foreign ports are known 
to be cleared by the American demand. Hence, 
in fome degree, the company's inability to pay 
their bills -, the finking of their flock, by which 
millions of property have been annihilated ; the 
lowering of their dividend, whereby fo many 
muft be diftrefTed ; the lofs to government of the 
ftipulated 400,000!. a year -}-, which muft make 
a proportionable reduction in our favings towards 
the difcharge of our enormous debt : And hence 
in part the fevere blow fuffered by credit in ge 
neral J, to the ruin of many families ; the ftag- 
nation of bufinefs in Spitalfields and at Manchef- 
ter, through want of vent for their goods j with 
other future evils, which, as they cannot, from 
the numerous and fecret connections in general 
commerce, eafily be forefeen, can hardly be 

* [At this time they contained many millions of pounds of tea, 
including the ufual ftock on hand. Mr. Burke, in his fpeech in 
1 774, fuppofes that America might have given a vent for ten mil 
lions of pounds. This feems to have been the greater part of the 
whole quantity. E.] 

f [On account of a temporary compromife of certain difputes 
with government. E.] 

t [Seen in certain memorable mercantile failures in the year 
1772. E.] 




A:D.T.] 329 ] 


fo the CLERK of the Council in 

SIR, Whitehall, Dec. 3, 1773. 

'TpHE agent for the houfe of reprefentatives of the 
* province of Maffachufett's Bay, [Dr. Franklin] 
having delivered to Lord Dartmouth, an addrefs of 
that houfe to the King, figned by their fpeaker -, 
complaining of the conduct of the Governor [Hut- 
chinfon] and Lieutenant Governor [Andrew Oli 
ver] of that province, in refpedt to certain private 

* [Governor Hutchinfon, Lieutenant Governor Andrew Oliver, 
Charles Paxten, Efq; Nathaniel Rogers, Efq; and Mr. G. Roome, 
having fent from Bofton certain reprefentations and informations to 
Thomas Whately, Efq; member of parliament, private Secretary to 
Mr. George Gretwille (the father of the flamp adt) when in office, 
and afterwards one of the Lords of trade ; thefe letters were, by a 
particular channel, conveyed back to JJofton. The aflembly of the 
province were fo much exafperated, that they returned home attefted 
copies of the letters, accompanied with a petition and remonitrance, 
for the removal of Governor Hutchinfon, and Lieutenant Governor 
Andrew Oliver, from their pofts. The council of the province, 
likewife, on their part, entered into thirteen refolves, in tendency 
and import fimilar to the petition of the aflembly ; five of which 
refolves were unanimous, and only one of them had fo many as three 
diflentients. In confequence of the aflembly's petition, the : : Jbove 
proceedings and examination took place. 

Dr. Franklin having naturally a large mare in thefe tran factions, 
made ftill larger by the impolitic and indecent perfecution of his 
character, I have exhibited the whole more at length, than I Ihould. 
otherwife have thought proper. E.} 

U u letters 

330 Proceedings and Examination, before 

letters written by them to their correfpondent in 
England $ and praying that they may be removed 
from their pofls in that government : his Lordfliip 
hath prefented the faid addrefs to his Majefty ; 
and his Majefty having fignified his pleafure, that 
the" faid addrefs mould be laid before his Majefty 
in his privy council, I am directed by Lord Dart 
mouth to tranfmit the fame accordingly, together 
with a copy of the agent's letter to his Lordfliip, 
accompanying the faid addrefs. 

I am, Sir, 

Your moft obedient humble fervant, 

(Signed) J. POWNALL. 

70 tie Right Hon. the Earl of DARTMOUTH. 

My LORD, London, Aug. 21, 1773. 

I HAVE juft received from the houfe of repre- 
fentatives of the MalTachufett's Bay, their addrefs 
to the King; which I now inclofe, and fend to 
your Lordmip ; with my humble requeft in their 
behalf, that you would be pleafed to prefent it to 
his Majefty the firft convenient opportunity. 

3 I have 

[A:D.T.] the Privy, Council in 1773-4. 331 

I have the pleafure of hearing from that pro 
vince by my late letters, that a iincere difpofition 
prevails in the people there to be on good terms 
with the mother- country ; that the afTembly have 
declared their defire only to be put into the fitua- 
tion they were in before the ftamp-acl: : *They aim 
at no novelties. And it is faid that having lately 
difcovered, as they think, the authors of their 
grievances to be fome of their own people ; their 
refentment againfl Britain is thence much abated. 

This good difpofition of theirs (will your Lord- 
fhip permit me to fay) may be cultivated by a fa 
vourable anfwer to this addrefs, which I therefore: 
hope your goodnefs will endeavour to obtain. 

With the greateft refpedl:, 

I have the honour to be, my Lord, &c. 

Agent for the Houfe of Refrefenfafives.. 

20 the KIN.G'J moft Excellent Maje/fy. 

Moft gracious SOVEREIGN, 

WE your Majefty's loyal fubjefts, the repre- 
ientatives of your ancient colony of MalTachufett's 

U u z 

332 Proceedings and Examination, before 

Bay, in general court legally afTembled, by virtue 
of your Majefty's writ under the hand and feal of 
the Governor ; beg leave to lay this our humble 
petition before Majefty. 

Nothing but the fenfe of duty we owe to our. 
Sovereign, and the obligation we are under to 
confult the peace and fafety of the province ; 
could induce us to remonftrate to your Majefty 
[concerning] the mal- conduct of perfons who 
have heretofore had the confidence and efteem of 
this people ; and whom your Majefty has been 
pleafed, from the pureft motives of rendering 
your fubjects happy, to advance to the higheft 
places of truft and authority in the province. 

Your Majefty's humble petitioners, with the 
deepeft concern and anxiety, have feen the dif- 
cords and animoiities which have too long fub- 
fifted between your fubjects of the parent-ftate 
and thofe of the American colonies. And we 
have trembled with apprehenfions, that the con- 
fequences naturally ariiing therefrom, would at 
length prove fatal to both countries. 

Permit us humbly to fuggeft to your Majefty, 
that your fubj ects here have been inclined to be 
lieve, that the grievances which they have fuf- 
fered, and ftill continue to fufferj have been 
occafioned by your Majefty 's minifters and prin 
cipal fervants being, unfortunately for us, mif- 
informed in certain facts of very interefting im 
portance to us. It is for this reafon that former 
aflemblies have, from time to time, prepared a 
true ftate of facts to be laid before your Majefty; 


[A : D . T .] the Privy Council in 1 77 3 -4. 333 

but their humble remonftrances and petitions, it is 
prefumed, have by fome means been prevented 
from reaching your royal hand. 

Your Majefly's petitioners have very lately had 
before them certain papers, from which they hum 
bly conceive, it is moft reafonable to fuppofe, that 
there has been long a confpiracy of evil men, in 
this province ; who have contemplated meafures 
and formed a plan to advance themfelves to power, 
and raife their own fortunes'; by means deflrudive 
of the charter of the province, at the expence of 
the quiet of the nation, and to the annihilating of 
the rights and liberties of the American colonies. 

And we do with all due fubmifiion to your Ma- 
jefty beg leave particularly to complain of the con- 
duel: of his Excellency Thomas Hutchinfon, Efqi 
Governor, and the Honourable Andrew Oliver, 
Efquire, Lieutenant Governor of this your Ma- 
jefty's province; as having a natural and efficacious 
tendency to interrupt and alienate the affections of 
your Majefly, our rightful Sovereign, from this 
your loyal province ; to deftroy that harmony and 
good- will between Great Britain and this colony, 
which every honeft fubject mould ilrive to eflab- 
liih; to excite the refentment of theBritifh admini- 
jftration againfl this province; to defeat the endea 
vours of our agents and friends to ferve us by a fair 
reprefentation of our ftate of facts ; to prevent our 
humble and repeated petitions from reaching the 
ear of your Majefty, or having their defired effect. 
And finally, that the faid Thomas Hutchinfon 
and Andrew Oliver have been among the chief 


334 Proceedings and Examination, before 

instruments in introducing a fleet and army into 
this province, to eftabltfh and perpetuate their 
plans , whereby they have been not only greatly 
inftrumental [in] disturbing the peace and har 
mony of the government, and caufing unnatural 
and hateful difcords and animolities between the 
feveral parts of yourMajefly's extenfivedominions ; 
but are juftly chargeable with all that corruption 
of morals, and all that confufion, mifery, and 
bloodmed, which have been the natural effects 
of porting an army in a populous town. 

Wherefore we moft humbly pray, that your 
Majefty would be pleafed to remove from their 
pofts in this government the faid Thomas Hut- 
chinfon, Efquire, and Andrew Oliver, Efquire ; 
who have, by their above-mentioned conduct, 
and other wife, rendered themfelves juftly ob 
noxious to your loving fubjects, and entirely loft 
their confidence : and place fuch good and faith 
ful men in their ftead as your Majefty in your 
wifdom mall think fit. 

In the name and by order of the houfe of 


[ A : D. T . ] the Privy Council m 1773-4. 335 
'To the Lords Committee of bis Ma je fly's Privy 

%/ J -J j J 

Council for Plantation Affairs. 

Humbly foeweth unto your Lord/hips, 

THAT having been informed that an addrefs, 
in the name of the Houfe of Reprefentatives of his 
Majefty's colony of Maffachufett's Bay, has been 
prefented to his Majefty by Benjamin Franklin, 
Efquire, praying the removal of his Majefty's 
Governor and Lieutenant Governor; which is ap 
pointed to be taken into confideration on Thurfday 
next ; your Petitioner, on the behalf of the faid 
Governor and Lieutenant Governor, humbly prays, 
that he may be heard by counfel in relation to the 
fame, before your Lordfhips {hall make any report 
on the faid addrefs. 

Clements Lane, ISRAEL MAUDUIT> 

Jan. 10, 1775. 

Examination of Dr. FRANKLIN, at the 
COUNCIL CHAMBER, Jan. n, 1774*. 
Prefent, Lord Prejident, the Secretaries of 

* [The Editor has taken this examination from Mr. Mauduit's 
copy of the Letters of Governor Eutchinfen, &c. fecond edition, 
1774, p. 77. He has Mr. Mauduit's authority for fuppofing it 
faithfully reprefented. E.] 


336 Proceedings and Examination) before 

State, and many other Lords ; Dr. Franklin 
and Mr. Bollan; Mr. Mauduit and Mr. 

[Dr. Franklin' s Letter and the Addrefs, Mr. 
PownallV Letter, and Mr. Mauduit'j Petition, 
iv ere read.] 

Mr. Wedderburn. The addrefs mentions cer 
tain papers : I could wifh to be informed what 
are thofe papers. 

Dr. Franklin. They are the letters of Mr. 
Htrtchinfon and Mr. Oliver. 

Court. Have you brought them ? 

Dr. Franklin. No ; but here are attefted co 

Court. Do you mean to found a charge upon 
them ? if you do, you muft produce the letters. 

Dr. Franklin. Thefe copies are attefted by 
feveral Gentlemen at Rofton, and a Notary 

Mr. Wedderburn. My Lords, we mall not take 
advantage of any imperfection in the proof. 
We admit that the letters are Mr. Hutchinfon's 
and Mr. Oliver's hand writing : referving to 
ourfelves the right of inquiring how they were 

Dr. Franklin. I did not expect that counfel 
would have been employed on this occaiion. 

Court. Had you not notice fent you of Mr. 
Mauduit's having petitioned to be heard by coun 

[A : D. T.] the Privy Council m 1 773-4. 3 37 

fel on behalf of the Governor and Lieutenant 

Dr. Franklin. I did receive fuch notice ; but 
J thought this had been a matter of politics, not 
of law, and have not brought my couniel. 

Court. Where a charge is brought, the par 
ties have a right to be heard by counfel or not, 
as they choofe. 

Mr. Mauduit. My Lords, I am not a native 
of that country, as thefe Gentlemen are. J 
know well Dr. Franklin's abilities, and wifh to 
put the defence of my friends more upon a pa 
rity with the attack ; he will not therefore won 
der that I choofe to appear before your Lordmips 
with the affiftance of counfel. My friends, in 
their letters to me, have delired (if any proceed 
ings, as they fay, fhould be had upon this addrefs) 
that they may have a hearing in their own jufti- 
fication, that their innocence may be fully cleared, 
and their honour vindicated ; and have made 
proviiion accordingly. I do not think myfelf 
at liberty therefore to give up the affiftance of my 
counfel, in defending them againft this unjuft 

Court. Dr. Franklin may have the affiftance 
of counfel, or go on without it, as he fhall 

Dr. Franklin. I deiire to have counfel. 

Court. What time do you want ? 

Dr. Franklin. Three Weeks. 

X x Ordered 

338 Proceedings and Examination, &c. 

Ordered that the further proceedings be on 
Saturday 29th Inftant*. 

* [The privy council accordingly met on the 29th of January, 
1774; when Mr. Dunning and Mr. John Lee appeared as coun- 
fel for the' aflembly, and Mr. Wedderburne as counfel for the Go 
vernor and Lieutenant Governor. Mr. Wedderburne was very 
long in his anfwer; which chiefly related to the mode of obtain 
ing and fending away Mr. Whately's letters ; and fpoke of 
Dr. Franklin in terms of abufe, which never efcape from one 
gentleman towards another. In the event, the committee of 
the privy council made a report, in which was exprefled the fol 
lowing opinion. ' The Lords of the committee do agree hum 
bly to report, as their opinion to your Majefty, that the peti 
tion is founded upon refolutions formed on falfe and erroneous 
allegations ; and is groundlefs, vexatious, and fcandalous ; and 
calculated only for the feditious purpofes of keeping up a fpi- 
rit of clamour and difcontent in the faid province. And the 
Lords of the committee do further humbly report to your Ma 
jefty, that nothing has been laid before them which does or can, 
in their opinion, in any manner, or in any degree, impeach the 
honour, integrity, or conduft of the faid Governor or Lieute 
nant Governor; and their Lordfhips are humbly of opinion, 
that the faid petition ought to be difmifled.' 
Feb. yth, 1774. ' His Majefty taking the faid report into 
confideration, was pleafed, with the advice of his privy council, 
to approve thereof; and to order that the faid petition of the 
houfe of reprefentatives of the province of Maffachufett's Bay 
be difmifled the board as groundlefs, vexatious, and fcanda 
lous ; and calculated only for the feditious purpofe of keeping 
up a fpirit of clamour and difcontent in the faid province.' A 
former petition againft Governor Bernard met with a difmiffion 
couched in fimilar terms. .] 


[A:D.T.] [ 339 ] 

Account of Governor Hutchinfon'j Letters, 

. To the Printer of the PUBLIC ADVERTISER *. 


TENDING that two Gentlemen have been 
* unfortunately engaged in a duel about a 
tranfaction and its circumftances, of which both 
of them are totally ignorant and innocent ; I 
think it incumbent upon me to declare (for the 
prevention of farther mifchief, as far as fuch a 
declaration may contribute to prevent it) that I 
alone am the perfon who obtained and tranf- 
mitted to Boflon the letters in queftion. Mr. 
W. could not communicate them, becaufe they 
were never in his poffefiion -, and for the fame 
reafon, they could not be taken from him by 

* [Some letters had paired in the public prints between Mr. Tho 
mas Whately's brother and Mr. John Temple, concerning the man 
ner in which the letters of Governor Hutchinfon, &c. had efcaped 
from among the papers of Mr. Thomas Whately, at this time de- 

The one Gentleman wifhed to avoid the charge of having given 
them; the other, of having taken them. At length the difpute 
became fo perfonal and pointed, that Mr. Temple thought it 
neceffary to call the brother into the field. The letter of provo 
cation appeared in the morning, and the parties met in the after 
noon. Dr. Franklin was not then in town ; it was after fome inter 
val that he received the intelligence. What had paired he could not 
forefee ; he endeavoured to prevent what ftill might follow. .] 

X x 2 Mr. 

34-O Account of Governor 

Mr. T. - They were not of the nature of pri 
vate letters between friends *. They were writ 
ten by public officers to perfons in public fta- 
tions, on public affairs, and intended to pro 
cure public meafures -, they were therefore hand 
ed to other public perfons who might be in 
fluenced by them to produce thofe meafures. 
Their tendency was to incenfe the mother- 
country againft her colonies, and, by the fteps 
recommended, to widen the breach ; which they 
effected. The chief caution expreffed with re 
gard to privacy, was, to keep their contents 
from the colony agents ; who the writers ap 
prehended might return them, or copies of 
them to America. That apprehenfion was, it 
feems, well founded; for the firft agent who 
laid his hands on them, thought it his duty to 
tranfmit them to his constituents --. 

Craven Street* 
Dec. 25, 1773. 


Agent for the Houfe of Reprefentatfoes 
of the Maffachufetfs Bay. 

* [Perhaps it is proper to call thefe letters only/ecret letters. The 
fa&s and advice they contained had the moft direct relation to the 
public ; and the only part of the letters that could ftriftly be faid to 
be private, was the family hiftory that was naturally here and there 
interfperfed on the fame fheet of paper, from family connection in 
the writers. E.] 

f [It was in confequence of this letter that Mr. Wedderburne ven 
tured to make the moft odious perfonal applications. Mr. Maudnit 
has prudently omitted part of them, in his account of the proceed 
ings before the privy council. They are given here altogether how 


:[A: D.T.] G. HuttchinfonV Letters, &c. 341 

ever (as well as they could be collefted,) to mark the politics of the 
times, and the nature of the cenfures pafled in England upon Dr. 
Franklin's character. 

' The letters could not have come to Dr. Franklin,' faid Mr. 
Wedderburn, ' by fair means. The writers did 'hot give them to 
' him ; nor yet did the deceafed correfpondent, who from our in- 
' timacy would otherwife have told me of it : Nothing then will 
' acquit Dr. Franklin of the charge of obtaining them by fraudulent 
' or corrupt means, for the moft malignant of purpdfes ; unlefs he 

* ftole them, from the perfon who Hole them. This argument is 

* irrefragable.'- 

* I hope, my lords, you will mark [and brand] the man, for the 
' honour of this country, of Europe, and of mankind. Private cor- 
' refpondence has hitherto been held facred, in times of the greateft 

* party rage, not only in politics but religion.' ' He has forfeited 

* all the refpecl of focieties and of men. Into what companies will 
' he hereafter go with an unembarrafled face, or the honefl intre- 

* pidity of virtue. Men will watch him with a jealous eye ; they 
' will hide their papers from him, and lock up their efcrutoires. 

* He will henceforth efteem it a libel to be called a man of letters'; 

* homo trium * liter arum ! 

* But he not only took away the letters from one brother ; but 
' kept himfelf concealed till he nearly occafioned the murder of the 

* other. It is impoffible to read his account, expreffive of the 

* cooleft and moft deliberate malice, without horror.' [Here he 
read the letter above*, Dr Franklin being all the time prefentJ\ 

* Amidft thefe tragical events, of one perfon nearly murdered, 

* of another anfwerable for the ifTue, of a worthy governor hurt in 

* his deareft interefts, the fate of America in fufpenfe ; here is a 
' man, who with the utmoft infenfibility of remorle, ftands up and 

* avows himfelf the author of all. lean compare it only to Zanga 
' in Dr. Young's Revenge f. 

" Know then 'twas 1: 

" I forged the letter, I difpofed the pifture; 
" I hated, I defpifed, and I deftroy." 

* I afic, my Lords, whether the revengeful temper attributed, by 

* poetic fiction only, to the bloody African ; is not furpafled by the 

* coolnefs and apathy of the wily American ? ' 

Thefe pleadings for a time worked great effecl : The lords af- 
fented, the town was convinced, Dr. Franklin was difgraced J, and 

* i. e. FUR (or thief). f Aft Vth. 

4 He was dilmiffed -frjm his place in the pott-office. 

X x 3 Mr* 

342 Account of G . Hu tchinfon 's Letters, &c. 

Mr. Wedderburn feemed in the road for every kind of advance 
ment. Unfortunately for Mr. Wedderburn, the events of the war 
did not correfpond with his fyftems. Unfortunately too for his 
" irrefragable argument," Dr. Franklin afterwards took an oath in 
chancery *, that at the time that he tranfmitted the letters, he was 
ignorant of the party to whom they had been addrefTed ; having 
himfelf received them from a third perfon, and for the exprefs pur- 
pofe of their being conveyed to America. Unfortunately alfo for 
Mr. Wedderburn's " worthy governor," that governor himfelf, be 
fore the arrival of Dr. Franklin's packet in Boilon, fent over one of 
Dr. Franklin's own "private" letters to England ; expreffing fome 
little coynefs indeed upon the occafion, butdefiring fecrecy, left he 
mould be prevented procuring more ufeful intelligence from the fame 
fource \. Whether Mr. Wedderburn in his fpccch intended to draw 
a particular cafe and portraiture, for the purpofe only of injuring 
Dr. Franklin ; or meant that his language and epithets mould apply 
generally to all, whether friends or foes, whofe practice mould be 
found fimiliar to it; is a matter that muft be left to be adjufted 
between governor Hutchinfon and Mr. Wedderburn. 

But to return to Dr. Franklin. It was not fingular perhaps that 
as a man of honour, he mould furrender his name to public fcrutiny 
in order to prevent mifchief to others, and yet not betray his coad 
jutor (even to theprefent moment,) to relieve his own fame from the 
fevereft obloquy; but perhaps it belonged to few befides Dr. Franklin, 
to poffefs mildnefs and magnanimity enough, to refrain from in- 
temperate expreffions and meafures, againit Mr. Wedderburn and 
his fupporters, after all that had paffed. E,] 

* A copy of the proceedings in chancery has been in my pofleffion ; 
but being at prefent miflaid, I fpeak only from memory here. 

I Seethe Remembrancer fa the year 1776, part zd. p. 61. cok iflL 
smd 2d. 


[A:D.T.J [ 343 

RULES for reducing a Great Empire to a fmall 
one-, prefented to a late Minifter, when be 
entered up@n his Adminiftration *. 

AN ancient fage valued himfelf upon this, that 
though he could not riddle, he knew how to 
make a great city of a little one. The fcience 
that I, a modern Simpleton, am about to com 
municate, is the very reverfe. 

I addrefs myfelf to all miniflers who have the 
management of extenfive dominions, which from 
their very greatnefs are become troublefome to 
govern becaufe the multiplicity of their affairs 
leaves no time for fiddling. 

I. In the firft place, gentlemen, you are to 
confider, that a great empire, like a great cake, 
is moft eafily diminimed at the edges. Turn your 
attention therefore firft to your remotejl provinces; 
that, as you get rid of them, the next may follow 
in order. 

II. That the poffibility of this feparation may 
always exift, take fpecial care the provinces are 

* [Thefe rules firft appeared in a London newfpaper about the 
beginning of the year 1774, and have feveral times fmce been in 
troduced into our public prints. Theminiiter alluded to is fuppofed 
to be the Earl of H h. 

' The caufes and motions of feditions (fays Lord Bacon) are, in- 

* novation in religion, taxes, alteration of laws and cuftoms, break- 
' ing of privileges, general oppreflion, advancement of unworthy 

* perfons, ftrangers, dearths, dilbanded foldiers, factions growa 
' defperate, and whatfoever in offending people joineth and knit-- 

* t/eth them in a common caufe.' E.] 


,344 "Rides for reducing a great 

never incorporated with the mot her -country ; that 
they do not enjoy the fame common rights, the 
fame privileges in commerce; and that they are 
governed by feverer laws, all of your enading, 
without allowing them any mare in the choice 
of the legiflators. By carefully making and pre- 
ferving fuch distinctions, you will (to keep to my 
iimile of the cake) act like a wife gingerbread- 
baker ; who, to facilitate a divifion, cuts his 
dough half through in thofe places, where, when 
baked, he would have it broken to pieces. 

III. Thofe remote provinces have perhaps 
been acquired, purchafed, or conquered, at the 
fole expence of the fettlers their ancestors ; 
without the aid of the mother-country. If this 
fhould happen to increafe her fbength, by their 
growing numbers, ready to join in her wars 5 her 
commerce, by their growing demand for her ma 
nufactures ; or her naval power, by greater employ 
ment for her mips and feamen,They may probably 
fuppofe fome merit in this, and that it entitles 
them to fome favour ; you are therefore to forget 
it all, or refent it as if they had done you injury. 
If they happen to be zealous whigs, friends of 
liberty, nurtured in revolution principles ; re 
member all that to their prejudice, and contrive 
to punim it : for fuch principles, after a revolu 
tion is thoroughly eftabliihed, are of no more 
ufe j they are even odious and abominable. 

IV. However peaceably your colonies have 
fubmitted to your government, mewn their af 
fection to your interefts, and patiently borne 


[A: D.T.J Empire to a fmall one. 345 

their grievances ; you are to fuppofe them always 
inclined to revolt, and treat them accordingly. 
Quarter troops among them, who by their in- 
folence may provoke the riling of mobs, and by 
their bullets and bayonets fupprefs them. By 
this means, like the hufband who ufes his wife 
ill from fufpicion, you may in time convert your 
fufpicions into realities. 

V. Remote provinces muft have governors 
and judges, to reprefent the royal perfon, and 
execute every where the delegated parts of his 
office and authority. You minifters know that 
much of the flrength of government depends 
on the opinion of the people ; and much of that 
opinion on the choice of rulers placed imme 
diately over them. If you fend them wife and 
good men for governors, who ftudy the intereft 
of the colonifts, and advance their profperity ; 
they will think their king wife and good, and 
that he wifhes the welfare of his fubjefts. If 
you fend them learned and upright men for judges, 
they will think him a lover of juftice. This 
may attach your provinces more to his govern 
ment. You are therefore to be careful who you 
recommend for thofe offices. If you can find 
prodigals who have ruined their fortunes, broken 
gamefters or flock-jobbers ; thefe may do well 
as Governors ; for they will probably be rapacious, 
and provoke the people by their extortions. 
Wrangling proctors and pettyfogging lawyers 
too are not amifs -, for they will be for ever dif- 
puting and quarrelling with their little parlia- 

Y y ments. 

346 Rules for reducing a great 

ments. If withal they {hould be ignorant, wrong- 
headed and infolent, fo much the better. At 
torneys clerks and Newgate folicitors will do 
for Chief- Juftices, efpecially if they hold their 
places during your pleafure : And all will con 
tribute to imprefs thofe ideas of your govern 
ment that are proper for a people you would wifh 
to renounce it. 

VI. To confirm thefe impreffions, and ftrike 
them deeper, whenever the injured come to the 
capital with complaints of mal-adminiftration, 
oppreffion, orinjufticej pumjh fuch fuitors with 
long delay, enormous expence, and a final judg 
ment in favour of the oppreffor. This will have 
an admirable effect every way. The trouble 
of future complaints will be prevented, and go 
vernors and judges will be encouraged to farther 
acts of oppreffion and injuftice; and thence the 
people may become more difaffected, And at 
length defperate. 

VII. When fuch governors have crammed their 
coffers, and made themfelves fo odious to the 
people that they can no longer remain among 
them with fafety to their perfons ; recal and re- 
ivard them with penfions. You may make them 
baronets too, if that refpectable order fhould not 
think fit to refent it. All will contribute to en 
courage new governors in the fame practice ; and 
make the fupreme government deteftable. 

VIII. If when you are engaged in war, your 
colonies mould vie in liberal aids of men and mo 
ney againfl the common enemy, upon your fimple 


[A: D.T.] Empire to a Jmall one. 347 

requisition, and give far beyond "their abilities, 
refle<5t that a penny taken from them by your 
power, is more honourable to you than a pound 
prefented by their benevolence ; defpife therefore 
their voluntary grants, and refolve to harafs them 
with novel faxes.' They will probably complain 
to your parliament that they are taxed by a body 
in which they have no reprefentative, and that 
this is contrary to common right. They will 
petition for redrefs. Let the parliament flout their 
claims, reject their petitions, refufe even to furTer 
the reading of them, and treat the petitioners 
with the utmoft contempt. Nothing can have a 
better effect in producing the alienation propofed ; 
for though many can forgive injuries, none ever 
forgave contempt. 

IX. In laying thefe taxes, never regard the 
heavy burthens thofe remote people already un 
dergo ; in defending their own frontiers, fupport- 
ing their own provincial government, making 
new roads, building bridges, churches, and other 
public edifices ; which in old countries have been 
done to your hands, by your ancestors ; but which 
occafion conftant calls and demands on the purfes 
of a new people. Forget the reftraint you lay on 
their trade for your own benefit, and the advan 
tage a monopoly of this trade gives your exacting 
merchants. Think nothing of the wealth thofe 
merchants and your manufacturers acquire by the 
colony commerce ; their increafed ability thereby 
to pay taxes at home - 3 their accumulating in the 
price of their commodities, moil of thofe taxes, 

Y y 2 and 

348 'Rules for reducing a great 

and fo levying them from their confuming cuf~ 
tomers : all this, and the employment and fup- 
port of thoufands of your poor by the colonifts, 
you are entirely to forget. But remember to 
make your arbitrary tax more grievous to your 
provinces, by public declarations importing that 
your power of taxing them has no limits, fo that 
when you take from them without their confent 
a {hilling in the pound, you have a clear right to 
the other nineteen. This will probably weaken 
every idea of fecurity in their property, and con 
vince them, that under fuch a government they 
have nothing they can call their own; which 
can fcarce fail of producing the happieft confe- 
quences ! 

X. Poffibly indeed fome of them might ftill 
comfort themfelves, and fay, ' Though we have 
no property, we have yet fomething left that is 
valuable; we have conftitutional liberty both 
of perfon and of conscience. This King, thefe 
Lords, and thefe Commons, who it feems are 
too remote from us to know us and feel for 
us, cannot take from us our habeas corpus right, 
or our right of trial by a jury of our neighbours : 
they cannot deprive us of the exercife of our 
religion, alter our eccleiiaftical constitution, and 
compel us to be papifts, if they pleafe, or Ma 
hometans/ To annihilate this comfort, begin 
by laws to perplex their commerce with infinite 
regulations, impoffible to be remembered and ob- 
ferved : ordain feizures of their property for every 
failure; takeaway the trial of fuch property by 
I jury, 

[A: D.T.] Empire to a fmall one. 349 

jury, and give it to arbitrary judges of your own ap 
pointing, and of the lowed characters in the 
country, whofe falaries and emoluments are to 
arife out of the duties or condemnations, and 
whofe appointments are during pleafure. Then 
let there be a formal declaration of both houfes, 
that oppofition to. your edicls is treafon, and 
that perfons fufpected of treafon in the provinces 
may, according to fome obfolete law, be feized 
and fent to the metropolis of the empire for trial ; 
and pafs an aft, that thofe there charged with 
certain other offences, fhall be fent away in 
chains from their friends and country to be tried 
in the fame manner for felony. Then erect a 
new court of inquifition among them, accom 
panied by an armed force, with inftructions to 
tranfport all fuch fufpected perfons ; to be ruined 
by the expence, if they bring over evidences 
to prove their innocence ; or be found guilty and 
hanged if they cannot afford it. And left the 
people fhould think you cannot poffibly go any 
farther, pafs another folemn declaratory act, ' that 

* King, Lords, and Commons, had,, have, and 

* of right ought to have, full power and authori- 

* ty to make ftatutes of fufficient force and vali- 
' dity to bind *the unreprefented provinces in all 

* cafes ivhatjbe'uer.' This will include fpiritual 
with temporal, and taken together, muft ope 
rate wonderfully to your purpofe ; by convincing 
them, that they are. at prefcnt under a power 
fomething like that fpoken of in the fcriptures, 
which can not only kill their bodies, but damn 


35 Rules for reducing a great 

their fouls to all eternity, by compelling them, 
if it pleafes, to worfhip the devil. 

XI. To make your taxes more odious, and 
more likely to procure refiftance ; fend from the 
capital a board of officers to fuperintend the coli- 
lection, compofed of the mojl mdifcreet, ill-bred, 
and infolent you can find. Let thefe have large 
falaries out of the extorted revenue, and live 
in open grating luxury upon the fweat and blood 
of the induftrious j whom they are to worry con 
tinually with groundlefs and expenlive profecu- 
tions before the above-mentioned arbitrary reve 
nue-judges ; all at the coft of the party profecuted, 
though acquitted, becaufe the King is to pay 
no cofts. -Let thefe men by your order be ex 
empted from all the common taxes and burthens 
of the province, though they and their proper 
ty are protected by its laws. If any revenue 
officers are fufpected of the leaft tendernefs for 
the people, difcard them. If others are juflly 
complained of, protect and reward them. If 
any of the under officers behave fo as to pro 
voke the people to drub them, promote thofc 
to better offices : this will encourage others to 
procure for themfelves fuch profitable drub 
bings, by multiplying and enlarging fuch pro 
vocations, ^and all will work towards the end you 
aim at. 

XII. Another way to make your tax odious, 
is to mifapply the produce of it. If it was ori 
ginally appropriated for the defence of the pro 
vinces, and the better fupport of government, 


[A: D.T.] Empire to a fmall one. 351 

and the adminiftration of juftice where it may be 
necenary; then apply none of it to that defence; 
but beftow it where it is not neceffary, in aug 
menting falaries or penfions to every governor who 
has diftinguifhed himfelf by his enmity to the 
people, and by calumniating them to their fove- 
reign. This will make them pay it more unwil 
lingly, and be more apt to quarrel with thofe that 
colled: it and thofe that impofed it; who will 
quarrel again with them ; and all mall contribute 
to your own purpofe, of making them weary of 
your government. 

XIII. If the people of any province have been 
accuftomed to Jupport their own governors and 

judges to fatisfaclion, you are to apprehend that 
fuch governors and judges may be thereby influ 
enced to treat the people kindly, and to do them 
juftice. This is another reafon for applying part 
of that revenue in larger falaries to fuch governors 
and judges, given, as their commiffions are,' dur 
ing your pleafure only ; forbidding them to take 
any falaries from their provinces; And thus the 
people may no longer hope any kindnefs from their 
Governors, or (in crown cafes) any juftice from 
their Judges. And as the money thus mifapplied 
in one province is extorted from all, probably all 
will refent the mifapplication. 

XIV. If the parliaments of your provinces 
fhould dare to claim rights, or complain of your 
adminiftration ; order them to be harafTed with re 
peated djj/'olutions. If the fame men are conti 
nually returned by new elections ; adjourn their 


Rules for reducing a great 

meetings to fome country village, where they can 
not be accommodated, and there keep them dur 
ing pleafure ; for this, you know, is your prero 
gative ; and an excellent one it is, as you may 
manage it to promote difcontents among the peo 
ple, diminifh their refpedt, and increafe their dif- 

XV. Convert the brave honeft officers of your 
navy t into pimping tide-waiters and colony offi 
cers of the cujloms. Let thofe who in time of war 
fought gallantly in defence of the commerce of 
their countrymen, in peace be taught to prey upon 
it. Let them learn to be corrupted by great and 
real fmugglers; But (to mew their diligence) fcour 
with armed boats every bay, harbour, river, creek, 
cove, or nook throughout the coaft of your colo 
nies ; flop and detain every coafter, every wood- 
boat, every fimerman j tumble their cargoes and 
even their ballaft in fide out, and upfide down ; 
And if a pennyworth of pins is found un-entered, 
let the whole be feized and confifcated. Thus 
mall the trade of your colonifts fuffer more from 
their friends in time of peace, than it did from 
their enemies in war. Then let thefe boats' crews 
land upon every farm in their way, rob their 
orchards, fteal their pigs and poultry, and infult 
the inhabitants. If the injured and exafperated 
farmers, unable to procure other juftice, fhould 
attack the aggreffors, drub them, and burn their 
boats ; you are to call this high treafon and rebel 
lion, order fleets and armies into their country, 
and threaten to carry all the offenders three thou- 


[A: D.T.] Empire to a fmall one. 353 

fand miles to be hanged, drawn, and quartered. 
O ! this will work admirably ! 

XVI. If you are told of difcontents in your 
colonies, never believe that they are general, or 
that you have given occafion for them ; there 
fore do not think of applying any remedy, or 
of changing any offenfive meafure. Redrefs 
no grievance, left they mould be encouraged to de 
mand the redrefs of fome other grievance. Grant 
no requeft that isjuft and reafonable, left they 
mould make another that is unreafonable. Take 
all your informations of the ftate of the colonies 
from your governors and officers in enmity with 
them. Encourage and reward thefe leafing- 
makers ; fecrete their lying accufations, left they 
mould be confuted ; but act upon them as the 
cleareft evidence ; >And believe nothing you hear 
from the friends of the people. Suppofe all 
their complaints to be invented and promoted 
by a few factious demagogues, whom if you could 
catch and hang, all would be quiet. Catch and 
hang a few of them accordingly; and the blood 
of the martyrs {hall work miracles in favour of 
your purpofe *. 

* [One of the American writers affirms, ' That there has not 
' been a iingle inftance in which they have complained, without 
* being rebuked ; or in which they have been complained againft^ 
' without being punimed.' A fundamental miftake in the minifter 
6ccafioned this. Every individual in New England (the peccant 
country) was held a coward or a knave, and the diforders which 
fpread abroad there, were treated as the refult of the too great 
lenity of Britain ! By the aid of this mort and benevolent rule, 
judgment was ever wifely predetermined ; to the fhutting out re 
drefs on the one hand, and inforcing every rigour of punifhment 
tfn the other. E.] 

Z z XVII. 

3 54 Rules for reducing a great 

XVII. If you fee rival nations rejoicing at 
the profpect of your difunion with your pro 
vinces, and endeavouring to promote it ; if they 
tranflate, publifh and applaud all the complaints 
of your difcontented colonifts, at the fame time 
privately flimulating you to feverer meafures; 
let not that alarm or offend you. Why mould 
it ? iince you all mean the fame thing. 

XVIII. If any colony fhould at their own 
charge ereft a fortrefs to fecure their port againft 
the fleets of a foreign enemy, get your gover 
nor to betray that fortrefs into your hands. 
Never think of paying what it coft the country, 
for that would look, at leaft, like fome regard 
forjuftice; but turn it into a citadel,, to awe the 
inhabitants and curb their commerce. If they 
Ihould have lodged in fuch fortrefs the very arms 
they bought and ufed to aid you in your con- 
quefls, feize them all ; it will provoke like in 
gratitude added to robbery. One admirable 
effect of thefe operations will be, to difcourage 
every other colony from erecting fuch defences, 
and fo their and your enemies may more eafily 
invade them ; to the great difgrace of your go 
vernment, and of courfe the furtherance of your 

XIX. Send armies into their country under 
pretence of protecting the inhabitants; but, in- 
ftead of garrifoning the forts on their frontiers 
with thofe troops, to prevent incurfions, demo- 
lifh thofe forts ; and order the troops into the 
heart of the country, that the favages may be 


[ A : D . T. ] Empire to a fmdll one. 3 5 .; 

encouraged to attack the frontiers *, and that 
the troops may be protected by the inhabi 
tants: this will feem to proceed from your 
ill-will or your ignorance^ and contribute farther 
to produce and ilrengthen an opinion among them, 
that you are no longer fit to govern them -j~. 

XX. Laftly, inveft the general of your army 
m the provinces, with great and unconstitutional 
powers, and free him from thecontroul of even 
your own civil governors. Let him have troops 
now J under his command, with all the fortrefles 
in his pofTeffion ; and who knows but (like fome 
provincial generals in the Roman empire, and 
encouraged by the univerfal difcontent you have 

* [I am not verfed in Indian affairs, but I find that in April 
1773, the aflembled chiefs of the weftern nations told one of our 
Indian agents, * that they remembered their father, the King of 
Great Britain's meflage, delivered to them lait fall ; of demo- 
lifhing Fort Pittflburg [on the Ohio] and removing the foldiers 
with their {harp-edged weapons out of the country ; this gave 
them great pleafure, as it was a ftrong proof of his paternal 
kindnefs towards them.' (See Confederations on the Agreement 
nvitb Mr. 1". Walpole for Lands upon the Ohio, p. 9.) This is ge 
neral hiftory : I attempt no application of facls, perfonally invi 
dious. E.] 

f [As the reader may be inclined to divide his belief between the 
wifdom of miniftry, and the candor and veracity of Dr. Franklin, 
I mail inform him that two contrary objections may be made to the 
truth of this reprefentation. The firft is, that the condudl of Great 
Britain is made too abfurd for poffibility ; and the fecond, that it is 
not made abfurd enough for faft. If we confider that this piece does 
not include the meafures fubfequent to 1773, the latter difficulty 
is eafily fet afide. The former, I can only folve by the many in- 
ftances in hiftory, where the infatuation of individuals has brought 
the heavieft calamities upon nations. E.] 

| [i. e. In the fituation and crifis into which things will nonu have 
fceen brought. E.] 

Z z 2 produced) 

356 "Rules for reducing, Sec. 

produced) he may take it into his head to fet up 
for himfelf ? If he mould, and you have care 
fully pradtifed thefe few excellent rules of mine, 
take my word for it, all the provinces will im 
mediately join himj and you will that day (if 
you have not done it fooner) get rid of the 
trouble of governing them, and all the plagues 
attending their commerce and connection from, 
thenceforth and foe ever. 


[A:D.T.] [ 357 ] 

Intended Vindication and Offer from Congrefs to 
Parliament t in 1775 .*.- 

FORASMUCH as the enemies of America in. 
the parliament of Great Britain, to render us 
odious to the nation, and give an ill impreflion of 
us in the minds of other European powers, have 
reprefented us as unjuft and ungrateful in the 

highefh degree; Aflerting on every occalion, 

that the colonies were fettled at the expence of 
Britain ; that they were at the expence of the 
fame, protected in their infancy j that they now 
ungratefully and unjuftly refufe to contribute to 
their own protection, and the common defence 
of the nation; that they aim at independence ; 
that they intend an abolition of the navigation 
acts ; and that they are fraudulent in their com 
mercial dealings, and purpofe to cheat their cre 
ditors in Britain, by avoiding the payment of their 
juft debts : 

[And] as by frequent repetition thefe groundlefs 
affertions and malicious calumnies may, if not con 
tradicted and refuted, obtain farther credit, and 
be injurious throughout Europe to the reputation 
and intereft of the confederate colonies ; it feems 
proper and necefTary to examine them in our own 
juft vindication. 

* The following paper was drawn up- in a committee of congrefs, 
June 25, 1775 5 but does not appear on their minutes ; a fevere aft 
of parliament which arrived about that time having determined 
them not to give the fum propofed-in it. [It was firft printed in the 
Public ddvnrtifer for July 18, 1777, No, 13,346. E.] 


Y i fc** 

358 Intended Vindication and 

With regard to the firfb, that the colonies were 
fettled at the expence of Britain, it is a known 
fact, that none of the twelve united colonies were 
fettled, or even difcovered, at the expence of 
England. Henry the Vllth indeed granted a 
commiffion to SebafUan Cabot, a- Venetian, and 
his fons ; to fail into the weftern feas for the dif- 
covery of new countries; but it was to be " fiiis 
" eorum propriis fumptibus et expenfis," at their 
own cofts and charges *. They difcovered, but 
foon flighted and neglected, thefe northern terri 
tories - y which were after more than a hundred 
years dereliction purchafed of the natives, and fet 
tled at the charge and by the labour of private 
men and bodies of men, our anceftors, who came 
over hither for that purpofe. But our adverfaries 
have never been able to produce any record, that 
ever the -parliament or government of England 
was at the fmalleft expence on thefe accounts ; 
on the contrary, there exifts on the journals of 
parliament a folemn declaration in 1642, (only 
twenty-two years after the firft fettlement of the 
MafTachufetts, when, if fuch expence had ever 
been incurred, fome of the members muft have 
known and remembered it,) " That thefe colonies 
had been planted and eflablifhed without any 
expence to *theftate J." New-Tork is the only 


* See the Commiffion in the Appendix to PownalPs Adminiflra- 
tion of the Colonies. Edit. 1775. 

1 " Veneris, 10 March, 164.2. Whereas, the plantations in New- 
" England have, by the bleffing of the Almighty, had good and 
" pxolperousfuccefs, without any public charge to tkisjlate ; and are 

< now 



[A: D.T.] Congrefs to ParTiament t In 1775. 359 

colony in the founding of which England can pre 
tend to have been at any expence -, and that was 
only the charge of a fmall armament to take it 
from the Dutch, who planted it. But to retain 
this colony at the peace, another at that time full 
as valuable, planted by private countrymen of 
curs, was given up by the crown to the Dutch 
in exchange, viz. Surinam, now a wealthy fugar- 
colony in Guiana, and which but for that ceffion 
might ftill have remained in our pofTeffion. Of 
late, indeed, Britain has been at fome expence in 
planting two colonies, Georgia -j~ and Nova Scotia -, 
but thofe are not in our confederacy j and the ex- 
pence fhe has been at in their name, has chiefly 
been in grants of fums unnecefTarily large, by 
way of falaries to officers fent from England, and 
in jobs to friends, whereby dependants might 
be provided for ; thofe exceffive grants not being 
requiiite to the welfare and good government of 
the colonies ; Which good government (as expe 
rience in many inftances of other colonies has 
taught us) may be much more frugally, and full 
as effectually, provided for and fupported. 

With regard to the fecond afTertion, *fhat thefe 
colonies were protected in their infant Jlate by 
England-, it is a notorious fad: that in none of the 
many wars with the Indian natives, fuftained by 

** now likely to prove very happy for the propagation of the gofpel 
" in thofe parts, and very beneficial and commodious to this king- 
" dom and nation : The commons now aflembled in parliament, 
" &c. &c. Sec." [See Governor Hutchinfon's Hiitory. E.J 

f Georgia has fince acceded, July 1775. 


360 Intended Vindication and Offer from 

our infant fettlements for a century after our firft 
arrival, were ever any troops or forces of any kind 
fent from England to aflift us ; nor were any forts 
built at her expence to fecure our fea-ports from 
foreign invaders ; nor any mips of war fent to 
protect our trade till many years after our firft 
fettlement, when our commerce became an object 
of revenue, or of advantage to Britifh merchants ; 
and then it was thought necefTary to have a fri 
gate in fome of our ports, during peace, to give 
weight to the authority of cuftom-houfe officers, 
who were to reftrain that commerce for the bene 
fit of England. Our own arms, with our poverty, 
and the care of a kind providence, were all this 
time our only protection ; while we were neglect 
ed by the Englim government -, which either 
thought us not worth its care, or having no good 
will to fome of us, on account of our different 
fentiments in religion and politics, was indifferent 
what became of us. On the other hand, the 
colonies have not been wanting to do what they 
could in every war for annoying the enemies of 
Britain. They formerly amfted her in the con- 
queft of Nova Scotia. In the war before laft they 
took Louifbourg, and put it into her hands. She 
made her peace with that ftrong fortrefs, by re- 
iloring it to France, greatly to their detriment. 
In the laft war it is true Britain fent a fleet and 
army, who acted with an equal army of ours, in 
the reduction of Canada ; and perhaps thereby did 
more for us, than we in the preceding wars had 
done for her, Let it be remembered, however, 


[A : D . T. ] Congrefs to Parliament) in 1 77 5 . 361 

that fhe rejected the plan we formed in the con- 
grefs at Albany, in 1754, for our own defence, 
.by an union of the colonies ; an union fhe was 
jealous of, and therefore chofe to fend her own 
forces j other wife her aid, to protect us, was not 
wanted. And from our firft fettlement to that 
time, her military operations in our favour were 
fmall, compared with the advantages me drew 
from her exclufive commerce with us. We are 
however willing to give full weight to this obli 
gation ; and as we are daily growing ftronger, 
and our afiiftance to her becomes of more impor 
tance, we mould with pleafure embrace the firffc 
opportunity of mewing our gratitude by returning 
the favour in kind. But when Britain values 
herfelf as affording us protection, we defire it may 
be confidered that we have followed her in all her 
wars, and joined with her at our own expence 
againft all fhe thought fit to quarrel with. This 
{he has required of us ; and would never permit 
us to keep peace with any power fhe declared her 
enemy ; though by feparate treaties we might well 
have done it. Under fuch circumftances, when 
at her inftance we made nations our enemies, 
whom we might otherwife have retained our 
friends ; we fubmit it to the common fenfe of 
mankind, whether her protection of us in thefe 
wars was not our juft due, and to be claimed of 
right, inftead of being received as a favour ? And 
whether, when all the parts of an empire exert 
themfelves to the utmofh in their common defence, 
and in annoying the common enemy 5 it is not as 

A a a well 

362 Intended Vindication and Offer from 

well the parts that protect the whole, as the whole 
that protects the parts ? The protection then has 
been proportionally mutual. And whenever the 
time mall come, that our abilities may as far ex 
ceed hers, as hers have exceeded ours ; we hope 
we mall be reasonable enough to reft Satisfied with 
her proportionable exertions, and not think we 
do too much for a part of the empire,, when that 
part does as much as it can for the whole. 

The charge againft us, that we refufe to con 
tribute to our own protection, appears from the 
above to be groundlefs : But we farther declare 
it to be abfolutely falfe ; for it is well known that 
we ever held it as our duty to grant aids to the 
crown upon requilition, towards carrying on its 
wars jt which duty we have cheerfully complied 
with, to the utmoft of our abilities; infomuch that 
frequent and grateful acknowledgments thereof 
by king and parliament appear on their records *. 
But as Britain has enjoyed a moll gainful mono 
poly of our commerce ; the fame, with our main 
taining the dignity of the king's reprefentative in 
each colony, and all our own feparate eftablim- 
ments of government, civil and military ; has 
ever hitherto been deemed an equivalent for fuch 
aids as might otherwife be expected from us in 
time of peace. And we hereby declare, that on 

* [Suppofed to allude to certain paflages in the Journals of the 
Houfeof Commons on the 4th of April, 1748; z8th January, 1756; 
3d February, 1756; 1 6th and i pth of May, 1757; iftof June, 1758 ; 
26th and 30th of April, 1759 ; z6th and 3ift of March and 28th of 
April, 1760; pth and 2oth January, 1761 ; zzd and 26th January, 
1762 j and i.4th and ijth March, 1763.] 

a recon- 

[A: D.T.] Congrefs to Parliament t m 1775. 363 

a reconciliation with Britain, we {hall not only 
continue to grant aids in time of war, as aforefaid ; 
but, whenever me mall think fit to abolifh her 
monopoly, and give us the fame privileges of 
trade as Scotland received at the union, and allow 
us a free commerce with all the reft of the world ; 
we mail willingly agree (and we doubt not it will 
be ratified by our conftituents) to give and pay 
into the finking fund [100,000!.] fterling per 
annum for the term of one hundred years ; which 
duly, faithfully, and inviolably applied to that 
purpofe, is demonftrably more than fufficient to 
extinguim all her prefint national debt ; fince it 
will in that time amount, at legal Britifh intereft, 
to more than [230,000,000!.] if. 

But if Britain does not think fit to accept this 
propofition, we, in order to remove her ground- 
lefs jealoufies, that we aim at independence, and 
an abolition of the navigation aft, (which hath in 
truth never been our intention) and to avoid all 
future difputes about the right of making that and 
other acts for regulating our commerce j Do here 
by declare ourfelves ready and willing to enter 
into a Covenant 'with Britain, that ihe mail fully 
pofifefs, enjoy, and exercife that right, for an hun 
dred years to come j the fame being bonafide ufed 
for the common benefit; And in cafe of fuch agree 
ment, that every afTembly be advifed by us to con 
firm it folemnly by laws of their own, which once 
made cannot be repealed without the aflent of the 

$ [See Dr. PriceV Appeal on the national debt, E.] 

A a a 2 The 

364 Intended Vindication and Offer, 

The laft charge, that ive are dijhoneft traders, 
and aim at defrauding our creditors in Britain, is 
fufficiently and authentically refuted by the fo- 
lemn declarations of the Britiih merchants to par 
liament, (both at the time of the ftamp-act, and 
in the laft feflion) who bore ample teftimony to 
the general good faith and fair dealing of the Ame 
ricans, and declared their confidence in our in 
tegrity ; for which we refer to their petitions on 
the Journals of the Houfe of Commons. And 
we prefume we may fafely call on the body of the 
Britiih tradefmen, who have had experience of 
both, to fay, whether they have not received 
much more punctual payment from us than they 
generally have from the members of their own two 
houfes of parliament. 

On the whole of the above it appears, that the 
charge of ingratitude towards the mother country,, 
brought with fo much confidence againft the co 
lonies, is totally without foundation - and that 
there is much more reafon for retorting that charge 
on Britain, who not only never contributes any 
aid, nor affords, by an exclufive commerce, any 
advantages to Saxony, her mother country , but 
no longer fince than in the laft war, without the 
leaft provocation, fubfidized the King of Pruffia 
while he ravaged that mother country,, and car 
ried fire and fword into its capital, the fine city of 
Drefden. An example we hope no provocation 
will induce us to imitate* 


[A:D.T.] [ 365 J 

"Letter from Dr. Franklin to a friend in England, 
on tbe fubjett of the firfl campaign made by the 
Britifh forces in America * 

Philadelphia, 3d O&ob. 1775:* 
Dear S i R> 


I Am to fet out to-morrow for the earnp J, and 
having but juft heard of this opportunity, 
can only write a line to fay that I am well and 
hearty. Tell our dear good friend * * *, wha 
fometimes has his doubts and defpondencies about 
our firmnefs,, that America is determined and 
unanimous ; a very few tories and placemen ex- 
cepted, who will probably foon export themfelves. 

* [This letter has been feveral times very incorreftly printed r 
It is here given from a genuine copy. The parties to whom it is. 
addrefled, are of the very firft order, both in point of literary merit 
and amiable manners. E.] 

J [Dr. Franklin, Col. Harrifon and Mr. Lynch,, were at this, 
time appointed by Congrefs (of which they were members) to con 
fer on certain fubjefts with Gen. Wafhington. The American army 
was then employed in blocking up Gen. Howe in Bofton ; and! 
believe it was during this viiit, that Gen. Wafhington communicated, 
the following memorable anecdote to Dr. Franklin ; viz. * that 

* there had been a time, when this army had been fo deititute of 

military ftores, as not to have powder enough in all its magazines,, 
' to furnifh more thanyfw rounds per man for their fmall arms.* 
Great guns were out of the queftion ; they were fired now and then,, 
only to mew that they had them- Yet this fecret was kept with 
fo much addrefs and good countenance from both armies, that Gen- 
Walhington was enabled effectually to continue the blockade. E.J 


366 Letter from Dr. Franklin, 

Britain, at the expence of three millions, has 
killed 150 Yankies this campaign, which is 
20,000 1. a head; and at Bunker's Hill me gained 
a mile of ground, half of which fhe loft again 
"by our taking poft on Ploughed Hill. During the 
fame time 60,000 children have been born in 
America. From thefe data his mathematical head 
will eafily calculate the time and expence neceflary 
to kill us all, and conquer our whole territory. 
My fincere refpects to ******, and to the 
club of honeft whigs at*********. 
Adieu. 1 am ever 

Yours moft affectionately, 

B. F. 


[ArD.T.] f 367 1 

Letter from Lord Howe to Dr. Franklin *, 

Eagle, June the 2o//, 1776. 

T Cannot, my worthy friend, permit the letters 
* and parcels, which I have fent (in the ftate I 
received them) to be landed, without adding a 
word upon the iubject of the injurious extremi 
ties in which our unhappy diiputes have engaged 


* [In the year 1776 an aft of parliament pafled to prohibit and 
reftrain on the one hand, the trade and intercourfe of the refraftory 
colonies reipeftively during the revolt; and on the other hand, to 
enable perfons appointed by the crown to grant pardons and declare 
any particular diitrift at the king's peace, &c. Lord Howe (who 
had been previoufly appointed commander of the fleet in North 
America) was on Iv^ay 3d declared joint commijjioner with his brother 
Gen. Howe for the latter purpofes of the aft. He failed May 12 ; 
and vvhile off the Maflach Jetts coaft prepared a declaration announc 
ing this commiifion, and accompanied it with circular letters. July 
4th, independence had been declared ; but neverthelefs congrefs 
-(invited by vinous attempts made to procutie a conference) refolved 
to fend Meiiieurs Franklin, J. -.dams, and E.Rutledge to learn the 
proportions of the commit. oners,, by whom authorized, and to 
whom uddreffed. The commiffioners having no power to-treat with 
congrefs in ts public capacity, and congrefs not being impowered 
by their reprefcntatives to refcind the aft of independence ; the con 
ference was broken off It remains only to add, that on Sept. 

19, the commiffioners declared themfclves ready to confer with any 
of the well-affefted, on the means of reftoring peace and permanent- 
union with every colony, as part of theBiitilh empire ; and promiied' 
a revijion of the feveral royal inft.t unions fuppofedto lay improper 
reftraints on colony- legiilation, and alio the king's concurrence in. a. 
revifion of the objeftionuble afts of parliament : Which feemed the- 
ultimatum of the commimon. Parliament however, by a fubfequent 
aft, (which among other things formally renounced taxation in> 
North. America and the Welt Indies) authorized five commiifioners. 


368 Letter from Lord Howe, 

You will learn the nature of my miffion, from 
the official difpatches which I have recommended 
to be forwarded by the fame conveyance. Re 
taining all the earnefhiefs I ever exprelTed, to fee 
our differences accommodated ; I mall conceive, 
if I meet with the difpofition in the colonies 
which I was once taught to expect, the moft flat 
tering hopes of proving ferviceable in the objects 
of the King's paternal folicitude ; by promoting 
the efhiblifhment of lafting peace and union with 
the colonies. But if the deep-rooted prejudices 
of America, and the neceffity of preventing her 
trade from paffing into foreign channels, muft 
keep us ftill a divided people; I (hall, from every 
private as well as public motive, moit heartily 
lament, that this is not the moment wherein thofe 
great objects of my ambition are to be attained $ 

to treat, fettle and agree, even with congrefs ; but fubjeft to the 
farther confirmation of parliament. Lord Carlifle, and Meffieurs 
Johnfon and Eden, with the commanders in chief of the land and 
fea forces, were the commiifioners appointed by the crown under 
this aft ; and Dr. Adam Fergufon was made fecretary to the com- 

Mr. Henry Strachey had been fecretary to theory? commiffion, 
attended with the following fingular circumftance, as ftated in the 
houfe of lords. * In this commiffion for reftoring peace to America, 
(or in other words to induce America at once to put a confidence 
in the crown, and to believe that the parliament of England is a 
fufficiently powerful and honeft barrier for them to truft to;) the 
fecretary ( Mr. Strachey ) has 500 1. granted for life out of the 
four and a half per cent, duty, filched by the crown from the 
Weft India I/lands, and in oppofition to a folemn addrefs of parlia 
ment defiring that it might be applied to the original purpofes for 
which it was granted by the refpe&ive aflemblies of the iflands.' 
What thefe original purpofes of the grants were, I meant (fee 
p. 280) very briefly to have ftated ; but have not been able to pro- 
$ure the proper documents in time. E.] 


[A-.D.T.] to Dr. Franklin. 369 

and that I am to be longer deprived of an oppor 
tunity to allure you perfonally of the regard with 
which I am 

Your iincere and faithful 

humble fervant, 


P. S. I was difappointed of the opportunity I 
expected for fending this letter, at the time it was 
dated ; and have ever iince been prevented by 
calms and contrary winds, from getting here, te 
inform General Howe of the commifllon with 
which I have the fatisfa&ion to be charged, and 
of hh being joined in it. 

Of of Sandy Hook, 12 of July* 

Superfcribed, Hows, 
fo Benjamm Franklin* Bfy t PMadetytia. 


B b b 

370 Dr. Franklins Anfwer [.T.CI :/.] 


Dr. Franklins Anfwer to Lord Howe* 


Philadelphia, July 30, 1776* 

T Received fafe the letters your Lordlhip fo kindly 
* forwarded to me, and beg you to accept my 

The official difpatches to which you refer me, 
contain nothing more than what we had feen i 
the ' adfc of parliameht, viz. " Offers of pardon 
" upon fubmiffion ; " which I was forry to find $ 
as it muft give your Lordfhip pain to be fent fo 
far on fo hopelefs a bufmefs. 

Directing pardons to be offered to the colonies* 
who are the very parties injured; exp relies indeed 
that opinion of our ignorance, bafenefs, and in- 
fenlibility, which your uninformed and proud 
nation has long been pleafed to entertain of us ^ 
but it can have no other effect than that of en-* 

creafing our refentments. It is impoffible we 

mould think of fubmiilion to a government, that 
has with the moft wanton barbarity and cruelty 
burnt our defencelefs towns in the midft of win 
ter ' y excited the favages to maffacre our (peaceful) 
farmers ; and our flaves to murder their maflers ; 
and is even now * bringing foreign mercenaries to 

* [About this time the Heffians, &<:. had juft arrived from Europe, 
ttStaten Ifland and New York.] 


[A:D.T.] to Lord Howe. 371 

deluge our fettlements with blood. Thefe atro 
cious injuries have extinguished every Ipark of 
-affection for that parent country we once held fo 
.dear : But were it pofiible for us to forget and 
forgive them, it is not poffible for you (I mean 
the Britim nation) to forgive the people you have 
fo heavily injured; you can never confide again 
in thofe as fellow fubjects, and permit them to 
enjoy equal freedom, to whom you know you 
have given fuch juft caufes of lafting enmity ; 
arid this muft impel you, were we again under 
your government, to endeavour the breaking our 
ipirit by the fevereft tyranny, and obftrucling by 
every means in your power our growing ftrength 
and profperity. 

But your Lordfhip mentions " the King's pa- 
" 'ternal folicitude for promoting the eftablim- 
" ment of lafting peace and union with the colo- 
*' nies." If by peace is here meant, a peace to 
be entered into by diftincl: flares, now at war ; 
and his Majeily has given your Lordfhip powers 
to treat with us of fuch a peace ; I may venture 
to fay, though without authority, that I think 
a treaty for that purpofe not quite impracticable, 
before we enter into foreign alliances. But I am 
perfuaded you have no fuch powers. Your na 
tion, though by punifhing thofe American go 
vernors who have fomented the difcord, rebuild 
ing our burnt towns, and repairing as far as pof 
fible the mifchiefs done us ; fhe might recover a 
great mare of our regard ; and the greater!: mare 
of our growing commerce, with all the advan- 
B b b 2 tages 

372 Dr. "Franklins Anfiver 

tages of that additional ftrength, to be derived 
from a friendship with us -, Yet I know too well 
her abounding pride and deficient wifdom, to be 
lieve {he will ever take fuch falutary meafures. 
Her fondnefs for conqueft as a warlike nation ; 
her luft of dominion as an ambitious one ; and 
her thirft for a gainful monopoly as a commercial 
one (none of them legitimate caufes of war;) 
will join to hide from her eyes every view of her 
true intereft; and continually goad her on in 
thefe ruinous diftant expeditions, fo defhructive 
both of lives and of treafure, that they muft prove 
as pernicious to her in the end, as the Croifades 
formerly were to moft of the nations of Europe. 

I have not the vanity, my Lord, to think of 
intimidating, by thus predicting the effects of this 
war ; for I know it will in England have the fate 
of all my former predictions ; not be believed till 
the event mall verify it. 

Long did I endeavour J with unfeigned and un 
wearied zeal, to preferve from breaking that fine 

and noble china vafe the Britifh empire ; for I 

knew that being once broken, the feparate parts 
could not retain even their Jhare of the ftrength 
and value that exifted in the whole ; and that a 
perfect re-unian of thofe parts could fcarce ever 
be hoped for. Your Lordmip may pofiibly re 
member the tears of joy that wet my cheek, when, 
at your good lifter's in London, you once gave 
me expectations that a reconciliation might foon. 

J [See the note at the clofe of this letter. E.] 


[A: D.T.] to Lord Howe. 

take place. I had the misfortune to find thefe 
expectations difappointed, and to be treated as 
the caufe of the mifchief I was labouring to pre 
vent. My confolation under that groundlefs and 
malevolent treatment was, that I retained the 
friendship of many wife and good men in that 
country ; and among the reft, fome mare in the 
regard of Lord Howe. 

The well founded efteem, and permit me to 
fay affection, which I mall always have for your 
Lordmip -, make it painful to me to fee you en 
gaged in conducting a war, the great ground of 
which, (as defcribed in your letter ;) is " the ne- 
" ceffity of preventing the American trade from 
" pafling into foreign channels/' To me it feems 
that neither the obtaining or retaining any trade, 
how valuable foever, is an object for which men 
may juftly fpill each others blood j that the true 
and fure means of extending and fecuring com 
merce, are the goodnefs and cheapnefs of com 
modities ; and that the profits of no trade can 
ever be equal to the expence of compelling it, 
and holding it, by fleets and armies. I coniider 
this war againft us, therefore, as both unjuffc and 
unwife j and I am perfuaded, that cool and dif- 
paffionate pofterity will condemn to infamy thpfe 
who advifed it ; and that even fuccefs will not 
fave from fome degree of difhonour, thofe who 
have voluntarily engaged to conduct: it. 

I know your great motive in coming hither, 
was the hope of being inftrumental in a reconci 
liation 5 and I believe, when you find that to be 


374 -^ n Franklin's Anfwcr . \ 

impoffible, on any terms given you to propofe, 
you will then relinquifh fo odious a command, and 
return to a more honourable private flation. 

With the greateft and moil fmcere refpeft, I 
have the honour to be, 

Mv T nrvl ; -!inuo5 

y ' 

Your Lordfhip's moft obedient, 

humble fervant, 



B. Franklin *. 

Directed to the Right Hon. 

Lord Vifcount Howe. 

* [It occurs to me to mention that Dr. Franklin was fuppofed 
to have been the inventor of a little emblematical defgn at the com 
mencement of our difputes ; reprefenting the flate of Great Britain 
and her colonies, fhould the former perfift in reftraining the latter's 
trade, deftroying their currency, and taxing their people by laws 
made by a legislature in which they were' not reprefen ted. Great 
Britain was fuppofed to have been placed upon the globe : But the 
colonies, her limbs, being fevered from her, me was feen lifting 
her eyes and mangled flumps to heaven ; her fhield, which me was 
unable to wield, lay ufelefs by her fide; her lance had pierced New 
England; the laurel branch was fallen from the hand of Penfylva- 
nia; the Englifh oak had loft its head, and flood by a bare trunk 
with a few withered branches ; briars and thorns were on the ground 
beneath it ; our mips had brooms at their topmaft-heads, denoting 
their being upon fale ; and Britannia herfelf was feen Hiding off the 
world, no longer able to hold its balance ; her fragments overfpread 
with the label 4ate ebolunt /fr/(&rrThis in'Jhort, was the fable of 


[A: D.T.] to Lord Howe. 375 

the belly and the members reverfed. But I tell the ftory chiefly 
for the fake of the moral, which has the air of having been fuggefted 
by Dr. Franklin *; and is as follows. ' The political moral of 
this picture is now eafily .difcovered. Hiftory affords us many 
inftances of the ruin of Hates, by the profecution of meafures ill 
fuited to the temper and genius of its people. The ordaining of 
laws in favor of 'one part of the nation, to the prejadice and op- 
preffion of. another; is certainly the moft erroneous and miftaken 
policy. An equal difpenfation of protection, rights, privileges 
and advantages, is what every part is intitled to, and ought to 
enjoy; it, being a matter of no moment to the flate, whether a 
fuhjecl grows rich and flourifhing on the Thames or the Ohio, i 
Edinburgh or Dublin. Thefe meafures. never fail to create great 
and violent jealoufies and animosities, between the people favored 
and the people opprefled. From whence a total feparation of 
affections, interefts, pqlitical obligations and all manner of con 
nections, neceflarily enfues ; by which the whole ftate is weakened 
and perhaps ruined for ever.' 

This language is part of the fame fyftem with the following frag 
ment of a lenience, which Dr. Franklin in-ferted in a political pub 
lication of one of his friends. * The attempts to efiablifh arbitrary 
pokuer over fo great a part of theBritim empire, [are] to the im 
minent hazard of our moft valuable commerce, and of that na 
tional ftrength, fecnrity and felicity, which depend on union and 
liberty? The prefervation of which, I am told, he ufed to fay, 
had been the great object artd labor of his life ; the whole being 
fuch a thing as the world never before fa' E.j 
/ ' 

* This defign was printed on a card, and Dr. Franklin at the 
time 1 believe occafionally ufed to write his notes on fuch cards.. 
It was alfo printed on a half Jheet of paper , with an explanation by 
fome other perfon, and the moral given above. The drawing wa& 
but moderately executed. 



yj Com f art/on 

376 Comparlfon of Great Britain and 

Comparifon of Great 'Britain end America as to 
Credit, in 1777 *. 

T N borrowing money, a man's credit depends on 
* foine or all of the following particulars. 

Firil, His known conduct refpecting former 
loans, and his punctuality in difcharging them. 

Secondly, His induftry. 

Thirdly, His frugality. 

Fourthly, The amount and the certainty of his 
income, and the freedom of his eftate from the 
incumbrances of prior debts. 

Fifthly, His well founded profpects of greater 
future ability, by the improvement of his eflate 
in value, and by aids from others. 

Sixthly, His known prudence in managing his 
general affairs, and the advantage they will pro 
bably receive from the loan which he defires. 

Seventhly, His known probity and Tioneft cha 
racter, manifefted 'by his voluntary difcharge of 
his debts, which he could not have been legally 
compelled to pay,~The circumftances which 
give credit to an individual ought to, and will 
have, their weight upon the lenders of money to 
public bodies or nations.- If then we confider and 

* [Thb paper was written, tranflated, printed, and circulated, 
while Dr. Franklin was at the court of Paris, for the purpofe of 
inducing foreigners to lead money to America in preference to Great 
Britain. .] 


*, 1 * . ^.1. 

[A: D.T.J America as to Credit, in 1777. 377 

compare Britain and America, in thefe feveral par 
ticulars, upon thequeftion, " To which is it fafeft 
" to lend money ?" We fhall find, 

1. Refpecting former loans; that America, 
which borrowed ten millions during the laft war 
for the maintenance of her army of 25,000 men, 
and other charges ; had faithfully difcharged and 
paid that debt, and all her other debts, in 1772. 
Whereas Britain, during thofe ten years of peace 

and profitable commerce, had made little or no 
reduction of her debt ; but on the contrary, from 
time to time, diminifhed the hopes of her credi 
tors, by a wanton diverfion and mifapplication of 
the linking fund deftined for difcharging it. 

2. Refpecting induftry, Every man [in Ame~ 
rica] is employed ; the greater part in cultivating 
their own lands ; the reft in handicrafts, naviga 
tion, and commerce. An idle man is a rarity; idle- 
nefs and inutility are difgraceful. In England, 
the number of that character is immenfe ; famion 
has fpread it far and wide ; Hence the embarrafT- 
ments of private fortunes, and the daily bank 
ruptcies arifing from an univerfal fondnefs for ap 
pearance and expenfive pleafures ; And hence, in 
forne degree, the mifmanagements of public bu- 
linefs ; for habits of bufinefs and ability in it, are 
acquired only by practice ; and where univerfal 
difSpation, and the perpetual purfuit of amufement 
are the mode; the youth, educated in it, can 
rarely afterwards acquire that patient attention and 
clofe application to affairs, which are fo neceflary 
to a ftatefman charged with the care of national 

C c c welfare. 

378 Comparifon of Great Britain and 

welfare. Hence their frequent errors in policy; 
and hence the wearinefs at public councils, and 
backward nefs in going to them ; the conftant un- 
willingnefs to engage in any meafure that requires 
thought and confideration ; and the readinefs for 
poftponing every new propoiition ; Which poft- 
poning is therefore the only part of bufinefs that 
they come to be expert in, an expertnefs produced 
neceffarily by fo much daily practice. Whereas in 
America, men bred to clofe employment in their 
private affairs, attend with eafe to thofe of the 
public, when engaged in them, and nothing fails 
through negligence. 

3. Refpecting frugality -, the manner of living 
in America is more fimple and lefs expenfive than 
that in England : plain tables, plain clothing, and 
plain furniture in houfes prevail, with few car 
riages of pleafure ; there, an oxpenfive appearance 
hurts credit, and is avoided: mEngland, it is often 
aflumed to gain credit, and continued to ruin. 
Refpecting public affairs, the difference is ftill 
greater. In England) the falaries of officers, and 
emoluments of office, are enormous. The king 
has a million fterling per annum, and yet cannot 
maintain his family free of debt : Secretaries of 
State, Lords of Treafury, Admiralty, 6cc. have 
vafl appointments : An Auditor of theExchequer 
has fixpence in the pound, or a fortieth part of 
all the public money expended by the nation ; fo 
that,- when a war cofts forty millions, one million 
is paid to him : An Infpector of the Mint, in the 
laft new coinage, received as his fee 65,000!. 


[A: D.T.] America as to Credit, m 1777. 379 

fterling per annum : To all which rewards, r,o 
fervice thefe Gentlemen can render the public is 
by any means equivalent. All this is paid by the 
people ; who are oppreiTed by taxes fo occalloned ; 
and thereby rendered lefs able to contribute to tho 
payment of neceffary, national debts. In America, 
lalaries, where indifpenfible, are extremely low ; 
But much of the public bufinefs is done gratis. 
The honour of ferving the public ably and faith 
fully, is deemed fufficient. Public jpirit really 
exifts there, and has great effects, in England, 
it is uni^erfally deemed a non-entity, and whoever 
pretends to it, is laughed at as a fool, or fulpedteil 
as a knave. The committees of congrefs, which 
form the board of war, the board of treafury, "the 
board of foreign affairs, the naval board, that for 
accounts, &c. all attend the bufmefs of their re- 
fpective functions, without any falary or emolu 
ment whatever; though they fpend in it much more 
of their time than any Lord of Treafury or Admi 
ralty in England can fpare, from his amufements. 
A Britifh minifter lately computed, that the 
whole expence of the Americans, in their civil go 
vernment, over three millions of people, amount 
ed to but 70,000 1. fterling; and drew from thence 
a conclufion, that they ought to be taxed, until 
their expence was equal in proportion to that which 
it cofts Britain to govern eight millions. He had 
no idea of a contrary concluiion ; that if three mil 
lions may be well governed for 70,000!. eight 
millions may be as well governed for three times' 
that fum ; and that therefore the expence of his 

C c c 2 own 

380 Comparlfon of Great "Britain and 

own government fhould be diminished. In that 
corrupted nation, no man is afhamed of being con 
cerned in lucrative Government jobs, in which 
the public money is egregioufly mifapplied and 
fquandered, the treafury pillaged, and more nu 
merous and heavy taxes accumulated; to the 
great oppreffion of the people. But the profpect 
of a greater number of fuch jobs by a war is an, 
inducement with many to cry out for war upon 
all occafions, and to oppofe every propofition of 
peace. Hence the conftant increafe of the national 
debt, and the abfolute improbability of its ever 
being difcharged. 

4. Refpecting the amount and certainty of in 
come, and folidity of fecurity ; the whole Thirteen 
States of America are engaged for the payment of 
every debt contracted by the congrefs ; and the 
debt to be contracted by the prefent war, is the 
only debt they will have to pay ; all, or nearly all 
the former debts of particular colonies being al 
ready difcharged. Whereas England will have to 
pay, not only the enormous debt this war muft 
occasion, but all their vaft preceding debt, or the 
intereft of it; and while America is enriching 
itfelf by prizes made upon the Britim commerce, 
more than it ever did by any commerce of its own, 
under the reftraints of a Britim monopoly; Britain. 
is growing poorer by the lofs of that monopoly, 
and the diminution of its revenues; and of courfe 
lefs able to difcharge the prefent indifcreet increafe 
gt its expences. 


c. Re- 


[A: D.T.] America as to Credit, in 1777. 381 

5. Refpedting profpects of greater future ability, 
Britain has none fuch. Her iflands are circum- 
fcribed by the ocean ; and excepting a few parks 
or forefts, me has no new land to cultivate, and 
cannot therefore extend her improvements. Her 
numbers too, inftead of increafing from increafed 
fubfiflence -, are continually diminifhing from 
growing luxury, and the increafing difficulties of 
maintaining families, which of courfe difcourages 
early marriages. Thus me will have fewer peo 
ple to affifl in paying her debts, and that dimi- 
nifhed number will be poorer. America, on the 
contrary, has beiides her lands already cultivated, 
a vaft territory yet to be cultivated ; which being 
cultivated, continually increafe in value with the 
increafe of people ; And the people, who double 
themfelves by a natural propagation every twenty 
five years, will double yet fafter, by the acceffion 
of grangers, as long as lands are to be had for 
new families j So that every twenty years, there 
will be a double number of inhabitants obliged 
to difcharge the public debts ; and thofe inhabi 
tants being more opulent, may pay their mares 
with greater eafe. 

6. Refpecting prudence in general affairs, and 
the advantages to be expected from the loan de- 
fired; the Americans are cultivators of land j thofe 
engaged in fifhery and commerce are few, com 
pared with the others. They have ever conducted 
tjieir fpveral governments with wifdom, avoiding 
wars, and vain expenfive projects ; delighting only 
in their peaceable occupations, which muft, con- 


3 82 Comparifon of Great Britain and 

fidering the extent of their uncultivated territory, 
find them employment ftiil for ages. Whereas 
England, ever unquiet, ambitious, avaricious, 
imprudent, and quarrelfome, is half of the time 
engaged in war; always at an expence infinitely 
greater than the advantage to be obtained by it, 
if fuccefsful. Thus they made war againft Spain 
in 1739, fora claim of about 95,000!. (fcarce a 
groat for each individual of the nation) and fpent 
forty millions fterling in the war, and the lives 
of fifty thoufand men ; and finally made peace 
without obtaining fatisfaction for the fum claimed. 
Indeed, there is fcarce a nation in Europe, againft 
which me has not made war on fome frivolous pre 
text or other; and thereby imprudently accumu 
lated a debt that has brought her on the verge of 
bankruptcy. But the moft indifcreet of all her 
wars, is the prefent againft America; with which 
fhe might, for ages, have preferved her profitable 
connection, only by a juft and equitable conduct. 
She is now acting like a mad Shopkeeper, who, by 
beating thofe that pafs his doors, attempts to make 
them come in, and be his cuftomers. America 
cannot fubmit to fuch treatment, without being 
firft ruined; and being ruined, her cuftorn will 
be worth nothing. England, to effect this, is 
increafing her debt, and irretrievably ruining her- 
felf. America, on the other hand, aims only to 
eftablifh her liberty, and that freedom of com 
merce which will be advantageous to all Europe ; 
And by abolifhing that monopoly which fhe la 
boured under, fhe will profit infinitely more than 


[A: D.T.] America as to Credit, In 1777. 383 

enough, to repay any debt which fhe may con 
tract to accomplish it. 

7. Refpecting character in the hone/I payment 
of debts ; The punctuality with which America 
has difcharged her public debts, was ihewn under 
the firft head. And the general good difpofition 
of the people to fuch punctuality, has been mani- 
fefted in their faithful payment of private debts to 
England, fince the commencement of this war. 
There were not wanting fome politicians [in 
America,] who propofed flopping that payment) 
until peace mould be reftored; alleging that in 
the ufual courfe of commerce, and of the credit 
given, there was always a debt exifting equal to 
the trade of eighteen months : That the trade 
amounting to five millions flerling per annum, 
the debt muft be feven millions and an half; that 
this fum paid to the Britim merchants, would 
operate to prevent that diftrefs, intended to be 
brought upon Britain, by our ftoppage of com 
merce with her : For the merchants receiving 
this money, and no orders with it for farther fup* 
plies, would either lay it out in the public funds ; 
or in employing manufacturers, to accumulate 
goods, for a future hungry market in America, 
upon an expected accommodation ; by which 
means the funds would be kept up, and the manu 
facturers prevented from murmuring. But againfl 
this it 'was alleged, that injuries from ministers 
fhould not be revenged on merchants; that the 
credit was in confequence of private contracts, 
made in confidence of good faith; that thefe ought 


384 Comparifon of Great Britain, &c. 

to be held facred, and faithfully complied with ; 
For that whatever public utility might be fuppofed 
to arife from a breach of private faith, it was unj ufr. ; 
and would in the end be found unwife ; honefty, 
being in truth, the beft policy. On this princi 
ple, the proportion was univerfally rejected ; and 
though the Englifh profecuted the war, with 
unexampled barbarity, burning our defencelefs 
towns in the midft of winter, and arming favages 
againft us; the debt was punctually paid; And the 
merchants of London have teftified to the parlia 
ment, and will teftify to all the world, that from 
their experience in dealing with us, they had, 
before the war, no appreheniion of our unfairnefs; 
and that fince the war, they have been convinced, 
that their good opinion of us was well founded. 
^England, on the contrary, an old, corrupt, 
extravagant, and profligate nation, fees herfelf 
deep in debt, which me is in no condition to pay ; 
and yet is madly, and difhoneftly, running deeper, 
without any poffibility of difcharging her debt, 
but by a public bankruptcy. 

It appears, therefore, from the general induftry, 
frugality, ability, prudence, and virtue of Ame 
rica, that me is a much fafer debtor than Britain ; 
To fay nothing of the fatisfadlion generous 
minds muft have in reflecting, that by loans to 
America, they are oppoling tyranny, and aiding 
the caufe of liberty, which is the caufe of all 



O N 


O F * 


N. B. All the Papers under ibis divlfton are dijlinguijhed by 
the letters [ P. P. ] placed in the running title at the 
head of each leaf, 


[P.p.] [ 387 ] 

Report of the Committee of Aggrievances of the 
Aflembly 0/'Penfylvania, dated Feb. 22, 1757*. 

IN obedience to the order of the houfe, we have 
drawn up the heads of the moft important 
aggrievances that occur to us, which the people 
or this province with great difficulty labour under j 
the many infractions of the conftitution, (in mani- 
feft violation of the royal grant, the proprietary 
charter, the laws of this province, and of the 
laws, ufages, and cuftoms of our mother country;) 
and other matters $ which we apprehend call aloud 
for redrefs. 

They are as follow : 

* [TheEngliih colony-governments feem to have been confidered 
as of three forts. Firft, Provincial governments ; where the conftitu 
tion originally depends on the King's commiffion and inftrudtions, 
given to his governors ; and the aflemblies held under that authority, 
have their fhare in making local ordinances not repugnant to Englifh 
law. Next, Proprietary governments ; where a diftrid of country is 
given by the crown to individuals, attended with certain legiflative 
powers in the nature of a fief; with a provifion for the fovereisnty 
at home, and alfo for the fulfilment of the terms and end of the grant. 
Laftly, Charter governments, where the form of government is pre- 
vioufly prefcribed and made known to the fettlers, being in no de- 

free left fubjeft to a governor's commiffion or proprietor's will. (See 
lackftone, Vol. I. Introd. 4.) Good faith however to mankind 
feemed to require, that the conftitutions once begun under the pro 
vincial or proprietary governments, ihould remain unaltered (except 
for improvement,) to the refpedive fettlers ; equally as in charter go 

By the laft paragraph of the above report, it feems that the a/Tern-' 
tly eflablifhed in Penfylvania intended to fend Commijfioners to Eng 
land, to folicit redrefs of various grievances, particularly refpedting 
their proprietor's conduit ; and that the bufmefs being referred to a 
committee of the a'ffembly, the following report was meant to con 
vey the opinion of that committee concerning the initruftions necef- 
fary to be given by the aflembly to the commiffioners. E.j 

D d d 2 Firft, 

388 Report of the Committee of 

By the royal charter, (which has ever 
been, ought to be, and truly is, the principal 
and invariable fundamental of this conftitution) 
King Charles the Second did give and grant unto 
William Penn, his heirs and affigns, the province 
of Penfylvania ; and alfo to him and his heirs, 
and his or their deputies or lieutenants, free, full, 
and abfolute power for the good and happy go 
vernment thereof, to make and enact any laws, 
<s according to their bed difcretion ; by and with 
*' the advice, aflent, and approbation of the free- 
" men of the faid country, or of their delegates 
" or deputies;" for the railing of money, or any 
other end appertaining to the public ftate, peace 
or fafety of the faid country. By the words of this 
grant, it is evident that full powers are granted to 
the deputies and lieutenants of William Penn and 
his heirs, to concur with the people in framing 
laws for their protection and the fafety of the pro 
vince, according to their beft difcretion; indepen 
dent of any interactions or directions they mould 
receive from their principals. And it is equally 
obvious to your committee, that the people of 
this province and their reprefentatives were inte- 
refled in this royal grant; and by virtue thereof 
have an original right of legiflation inherent in 
them; which neither the proprietors nor any other 
perfon whatfoever can divert them of, reftrain, 
or abridge ; without manifeftly violating and de- 
flroying the letter, fpirit, and defign of this grant. 
Neverthelefs we' unfortunately find, that the 
proprietaries of this province, regardlefs of this 


[P. P.] Aggrievances of Penfyhama. 389 

facred fundamental of all our rights and liberties ; 
have fo abridged and reftricted their late and pre- 
fent governor s discretion in matters of legiflation, 
by their illegal, impracticable, and unconftitu- 
tional inftruc~tions and prohibitions j that no bill 
for granting aids and Supplies to our moll gracious 
fovereign, (be it ever fo reafonable, expedient, and 
neceffary for the defence of this hisMajefty's colo 
ny, and fafety of his people,) unlefs it be agree 
able thereto, can meet with his approbation : by 
means whereof the many confiderable fums of 
money which have been offered for thofe purpofes> 
by the affemblies of this province (ever anxious 
to maintain his honour and rights,) have been re 
jected; to the great encouragement of hisMajefty's 
enemies, and the imminent danger of the lofs of 
this his colony. 

Secondly, The reprefentatives of the people in 
general affembly met, by virtue of the faid royal 
grant, and the charter of privileges granted by 
the laid William Penn, and a law of this province^ 
have right to, and ought to enjoy all the powers 
and privileges of an affembly ; according to the 
rights of the free-born fubjedls of England, and 
as is ufual in any of the plantations in America: 
[Alfo] it is ah indubitable and now an incontefted 
right of the commons of England to grant aids 
and fupplies to his Majefty in any manner they 
think moft eafy to themfelves and the people; and 
they [alfo] are the fole judges of the meafure y man-* 
ner and time of granting and raifing the fame. 


"Report of the Committee of 

Neverthelefs the proprietaries of this province, 
in contempt of the faid royal grant, proprietary 
charter, and law of their colony; defigning to fub- 
vert the fundamentals of this confutation, to de 
prive the afTembly and people of their rights and 
privileges, and to afiume an arbitrary and tyran 
nical power over the liberties and properties of his 
Majefty's liege fubjects ; have fo reftra^ned their 
governors by the defpotlc inftru5lions y (which are 
not to be varied from, and are particularly direc 
tory in the framing and paffing of money bills and 
fupplies to his Majefty, as to the mode, meafure, 
and time;) that it is impoffible for -the aflembly, 
fhould they lofe all fenfe of their moft effential 
rights, and comply with thofe inftructions, to 
grant fufficient aids for the defence of this his 
Majefty's province from the common enemy. 

thirdly, In purfuance of fundry acts of general 
aiTembly, approved of by the crown, [and] a natural 
right inherent in every man antecedent to all laws ; 
the afTemblies of this province have had the power 
of difpofing of the public monies, that have been 
raifed for the encouragement of trade and fupport 
of government, by the intereft-money arifing by 
the loan of the bills of credit and theexcife. No 
part of thefe monies was ever paid by the proprie 
taries , or ever raifed on their eftates ; and there 
fore they can have no pretence of right to a voice 
in the difpofition of them. They have ever been 
applied with prudent frugality to the honour and 
advantage of the public, and the King's immediate 
fervice, to the general approbation of the people : 


[P.. P.] Aggrievances of Penfyhanta. 391 

the credit of the government has been preferved, 
and the debts of the public punctually difcharged. 
In fhort, no inconveniencies, but great and many 
advantages have accrued, from the aflembly's pru 
dent care and management of thefe funds. 

Yet the proprietaries refolved to deprive the af- 
femblies of the power and means offupporting an 
agent in England $ and of profecuting their com 
plaints and remonftrating their aggrievances, when 
injured and oppreffed,, to his Majefly and his par 
liament : And to rob them of this natural right, 
(which has been fo often approved of by their gra 
cious fovereign) have, by their faid inftruclions, 
prohibited their governor from giving his afTent to 
any laws emitting or re-emitting any paper-cur 
rency or bills of credit, or for raiting money by 
cxcife or any other method ; unlefs the governor 
or commander in chief for the time being,, by 
claufes to be inferted therein, have a negative in 
the difpofition of the monies arifing thereby ; let 
the languishing circumftances of our trade be ever 
fo great, and a further or greater medium be ever 
fo neceflary for its fupport. 

"Fourthly, By the laws and fiatutes of England, 
the chief rents, honours, and caftles of the crown 
are taxed, and pay their proportion, to the fupplies- 
that are granted to the King for the defence of the 
realm and fupport of government : His Majefty*, 
the nobility of the realm,, and all the Britifh fub- 
jedts, do now actually contribute their proportion^ 
towards the defence of America in general,, and 
this province in particular ; And it is in a more 


392 Report of the Committee of 

efpecial manner the duty of the proprietaries to 
pay their proportion of a tax for the immediate 
prefervation of their own eftates, in this province. 
To exempt therefore any part of their eftates from 
their reafonable part of this neceflary burthen, is 
as unjuft as it is illegal, and as new as it is arbi 

Yet the proprietaries, notwithstanding the ge 
neral danger to which the nation and its colonies 
are expofed, and great diftrefs of this province in 
particular; by their faid inftructions, have prohibi 
ted their governors from paffing laws fur the raffing 
fupplies for its defence; unlefs all their located, 
unimproved, and unoccupied lands, quit-rents, 
fines and purchafe monies on intereft, (the much 
greater part of their enormous eftates in this colony) 
are exprefsly exempted from paying any part of 
the tax. 

Fifthly, By virtue of the faid royal charter, the 
proprietaries are inverted with a power of doing 
every thing " which unto a compleat eftabliih- 
" ment of juftice, unto courts and tribunals, 
" forms of judicature, and manner of proceedings, 
" do belong." It was certainly the import and 
defign of this grant, that the courts of judicature 
fhould be formed, and the judges and officers 
thereof, hold their commiffions, in a manner not 
repugnant, but agreeable to the laws and cuftoms 
of England ; that thereby they might remain free 
from the influence of perfons in power ; the rights 
of the people might be preserved, and their pro 

[P. P.] Aggrievances of Penfyhania. 393 

perties effectually fecured. That the grantee, 
William Perm (understanding the faid grant in this 
light) did, by his original frame of government, co 
venant and grant with the people, that the judges 
and other officers mould hold their commimona 
during their good behaviour) and no longer. . 

Notwithstanding which, the governors of this 
province have for many years part, granted all the 
commiffions to the judges of the King's Bench or 
fupreme court of this province, and to the judges 
of the court of Common Pleas of the feveral coun 
ties ; to he held during their will and pleafure : By 
means whereof, the faid judges being fubjecT: to 
the influence and directions of the proprietaries 
and their governors, their favourites and creatures, 
the laws may not be duly administered or executed, 
but often wrefted from their true fenfe to ferve 
particular purpofes : the foundation of juftice may 
be liable to be deftroyed ; and the lives, laws, 
liberties, privileges and properties of the people 
thereby rendered precarious and altogether infe- 
cure j to the great difgrace of our laws, and the 
inconceivable injury of his Majefty's fubjecls. 

Your committee further beg leave to add, that 
beiides thefe aggrievances, there are other hard- 
fhips the people of this province have experienced, 
that call for redrefs. The inlifiment ofjervanfs 
without the leaft Jatisfatfion being made to the rn af 
ters, has not only prevented the cultivation of our 
lands., and diminished the trade and commerce of the 
province $ but is a burthen extremely unequal and 

E e e oppreffive 

394 Report of the Committee of 

oppreffive to individuals. And mould the pra&icc 
continue, the confequence muft prove very difcou- 
raging to the further fettlement of this colony, and 
prejudicial to his Majefty's future fervice. Juftice, 
therefore, demands that fatisfaclion fliould be made 
to the matters of fuch inlifted fervants ; and that 
the right of matters to their fervants be confirmed 
and fettled. But as thofe fervants have been in- 
lifted into his Majefty's fervice for the general de 
fence of America, and not of this province only ; 
but all the colonies, and the nation in general, have 
and will receive equal benefit from their fervice ; 
this fatisfaction mould be made at the expence of 
the nation, and not of the province only. 

That the people now labour under a burthen 
of taxes almoft infupportable by fo young a colony, 
for the defence of its long- extended frontier, of 
about two hundred miles from New Jerfey to 
Maryland j without either of thofe colonies-,., or 
the three lower counties on Delaware contributing 
their proportion thereto ; though their frontiers 
are in a great meafure covered and protected by 
our forts. And mould the war continue, and with 
it this unequal burthen, many of his Majefty's 
fubjects in this province will be reduced to want ; 
and the province, if not loft to the enemy, in 
volved in debt, and funk under its load. 

That not with ftanding this weight of taxes,, the: 
aflemblies of this province have given fo the ge 
neral fervice of the nation, five thoufand pounds to 
purcljafe,provifions for the troops under General 
Braddockj 2,985!. o 5, i id, for clearing a road 

[P, P.] Aggrievances of Penjyfoania. 395 

by his orders , 10,514!. IDS. id. to General 
Shirley, for the purchafing provifions for the 
New England forces j and expended the fum of 
2385!. os. 2f d. in fupporting the inhabitants 
of Nova Scotia ; Which like wife we conceive 
ought to be a national expence. 

And that his Maje/ly's fubjects, the merchants 
and infurers in England, as well as the merchants 
here and elfewhere ; did during the laft, and will 
during the prefent war, greatly [fufferj, in their 
property, trade, and commerce, by the enemy 's 
privafeers on this coaft, and at our capes ; unlefs 
fome method be fallen on to prevent it. 

Wherefore your committee are of opinion, 
That the commiffioners intended to be fent to Eng 
land, to folicit a memorial and redrefs of the many 
infractions and violations of the conftitution ; 
mould alfo have it in charge, and be inftrudled to 
reprefent to our moft gracious Sovereign and his 
parliaments, the feveral unequal burthens and 
hardfhips before-mentioned ; and endeavour to 
procure fatisfaction to the matters of fuch fervants 
as have been inlifted, and the right of matters to 
their fervants eftablifhed and confirmed ; and 
obtain a repayment of the faid feveral fums of mo 
ney -, fome affiftance towards defending our exten- 
five frontier ; and a veflel of war to protect the 
trade and commerce of this province. 

Submitted to the correction of the houfe. 

Feb. 22, 1757. 

E e e 2 To 

[ 396 ] 

the Freemen of Penfyfoania, on thefubjeffi of a 
particular Militia Bill, rejected by the 'Proprietor 's 
deputy or governor. 

Philadelphia, Sept. 28, 1764. 

'OUR defire of knowing how the militia bill 
came to fail in the, laft AfTembly, mall im 
mediately be complied with. 

As the Governor prefled hard fora militia law, 
to fecure the internal peace of the province, and 
the people of this country had not been accuftomed 
to militia fervice ; the houfe, to make it more 
generally agreeable to the freeholders, formed the 
bill fo as that they might have fome mare in the 
election of the officers; to fecure them from having 
abfolute ftrangers fet over them, or perfons gene 
rally difagreeable. 

This was no more, than that every company 
ihould choofe, and recommend to the Governor, 
three perfons for each office of Captain, Lieute 
nant, and Enfign ; out of 'which three, the Go 
vernor was to commiffion one that he thought 
moft proper, or which he pleafed, to be the 
officer. And that the Captains, Lieutenants, and 
Enfigns, fo commiffioned by the Governor; mould, 
in their refpeclive regiment?, choofe and recom 
mend three perfons for each office of Colonel^ 
Lieutenant-Colonel, and Major j out of which 


[P.P.] ?o the "Freemen ofPenfyfaania, &c. 397 

three the Governor was to commiffion one, which 
ever he pleafed, to each of the faid offices. 

The Governor's amendment to the bill in this 
particular, was, to ftrike out wholly this privilege 
of the people - y and take to himfelf the fole ap 
pointment of all the officers. 

The next amendment was to aggravate and 
c i *e all the fines- A fine that the AfFembly 
had made One hundred pounds, and thought 
heavy enough; the Governor required to be Three 
hundred pounds. What they had made Fifty- 
pounds, he required to be One hundred and fifty. 
Thefe were fines on the commiffioned officers" 
for difobedience to his commands -, but the nori 
commiffioned officers, or common foldiers, who, 
for the ame offence the Affembly propofed tcr 
fine at Ten pounds,, the Governor iniifted mould' 
be fined Fifty pounds. 

Thefe fines, and fbme others to be mentioned 
hereafter, the Affembly thought ruinoufly high r 
But when, in a fubfequent amendment, the- 
Governor would, for offences among the militia, 
take away the trial by jury in the common courts ; 
and required, that the trial mould be by a court- 
martial, compoled of officers of his own fole ap 
pointing, who mould have power of fentencing- 
even to Death j the Houfe cauld by no means" 
confent thus to give up their constituents liberty, 
eftate, and life itfelf, into the abfolute power of 
a proprietary Governor ; and fo the bill failed. 

That you may be affured I da not mifrepreient 
this matter, I (hall give you the laft mentioned 

39 8 *o the Freemen ofPenJyfoama, 

amendment (fo called) at full length ; and for the 
truth and exact nefs of my copy I dare appeal to 
Mr. Secretary Shippen. 

The words of the bill, p. 43. were, " Every 
** fuch perfon fo offending, being legally convicted 
" thereof," &c. By the words legally consisted* 
was intended a conviction after legal trial, in th& 
common courfe of the laws of the land. But the 
Governor required this addition immediately to 
follow the words ["convicted thereof"] viz. ' by 
' a court-martial; mail fufFer DEATH, or fuch 
' other punimment as fuch court, by their fen- 

* tence or decree, mall think proper to inflict 

* and pronounce. And be it farther enacted by 

* the authority aforefaid, That when and fo often 

* as it may be neceffary, the Governor and Com- 

* mander in chief for the time being, mall ap- 

* point and commiffionate, under the great feal 

* of this province, fixteen commiffioned officers 
' in each regiment ; with authority and power to 

* them or any thirteen of them to hold courts- 
' martial, of whom a field officer mall always 

* be one, and prefident of the faid court ; and 
' fuch courts-martial mall and are hereby im- 

* powered to adminiflcr an oath to any witnefs, 
4 in order to the examination or trial of any of 

* the offences which by this act are made cog- 

* nizable in fuch courts, and mall come before 
' them. Provided always, that in all trials by 

* a court-martial by virtue of this act, every offi- 

* cer prefent at fuch trial, before any proceedings 

* be had therein, mall take an oath upon the 

* holy 

[P. P.] on a particular Militia B///. 3.99 

* holy evangelifts, before one Juftice of. the peace 

* in the county where fuch court is held ; who 

* are hereby authorized to adminifter the fame, 

* in the following words, that is to fay j " I A. B. 
" do fwear, that I will duly adminifter juftice 
*' according to evidence; and to the directions of 
" an act, in titled, An Adi for forming and regu 
" lating the militia of the province of Penfylvania, 
*' without partiality, favour or affection; and that 
" I will not divulge the fentence of the court, 
** until it mall be approved of by the Governor 
" or Commander in chief of this province for the 
" time being ; neither will I, upon any account, 
" at any time whatfoever, difclofe or difcover the- 
" vofe or opinion of any particular member of 
" the court-martial. So help me God." 'And 

* no fentence of Death, or other fentence, mail 
' be given againft any offender, but by the con- 

* currence of nine ef the officers fo fworn. And 

* no fentence pafled againft any offender by fuch 
' court-martial mail be put ia execution, until 

* report be made of the whole proceedings to 

* the Governor or Commander in chief of this 
' province for the time being, and his directions 

* fignified thereupon.' 

It is obfervable here, that by the common 
eourfe of juftice, a man is to be tried by a Jury 
of his neighbours and fellows ; impannelled by a, 
iJieriff, in whofe appointment the people have a 
choice : the prifoner too has a right to challenge 
twenty of the pannel, without giving a reafon,, 
and as many more as he can, give reafons for dial- 

400 70 the "Freemen of Penjykama, 

lenging ; and before he can be convicled, the Jury 
are to be unanimous ; they are all to agree that he 
is guilty, and are therefore all accountable for 
their verdict. But by this amendment, the Jury 
(if they may be fo called) are all officers of the 
Governor's fole appointing - y and not one of them 
can be challenged -> And though a common militia 
man is to be tried, no common militia man mall 
be of that Jury; And fo far from requiring all to 
agree, a bare majority mail be fufficient to con 
demn you. And left that majority mould be un 
der any check or reftraint, from an apprehenfion 
of what the world might think or fay of the feve- 
rity or injuftice of their fentence ; an Oath is to 
be taken, never to difcover the vote or opinion of 
any particular member ! 

Thefe are fome of the chains attempted to be 
forged for you by the Proprietary faction i Who 

advifed the G r is not difficult to know. They 

are the very men, who now clamour at the Af- 
fembly for a propofal of bringing the trial of a 
particular murder to this county, from another, 
where it was not thought fafe ,for any man to be 
either juryman or witnefs ; and j call it disfran- 
chiiing the people ! who are now bawling about 
the conftitution, and pretending vaft concern for 
your liberties ! In refilling you the kaft means 
of recommending or expreffing your regard for 
perfons to be placed over you as officers, and who 
were thus to be made your judges in life and 
eflate ; th.y have not regarded the example of the- 
King, our wife as well as kiad mailer ; who in 


[P. P.] en a particular Militia BilL 401 

all his reqirifitions made to the colonies, of railing 
troops for their defence, directed that " the bet- 
<e ter to facilitate the important fervice, the com- 
" miffions mould be given to fuch as from their 
" weight and credit with the people," may be 
" beft enabled to effectuate the levies *." In 
eftablifhing a militia for the defence of the pro 
vince, how could the " weight and credit" of 
men with the people be better difcovered, than 
by the mode that bill directed; viz. by a majority 
of thofe that were to be commanded, nominating 
three for each office to the Governor, of which 
three he might take the one he liked belt ? 

However, the courts-martial being eftablifhed, 
and all of us thus put into his Honour's abfolute 
power, the Governor goes on to enhance the fines 
and penalties : Thus in page 49 of the bill, where 
the Affembly had propofed the fine to be Ten 
{hillings, the Governor required it to be Ten 
pounds : In page 50, where a fine of Five pounds 
was mentioned, the Governor's amendment re 
quired it to be made Fifty pounds. And in page 
44, where the AfTembly had faid, " mail forfeit 
" and pay any fum, not exceeding Five pounds," 
the Governor's amendment fays, " mall fuffer 
" DEATH; or fuch other punimment, as mall, 
" according to the nature of the offence, be in- 
S( flicted by the fentence of a court-martial ! " 

The Aflembly's refuting to admit of thefe 
amendments in that bill, is one of their offences 

* See Secretary of State's Letters in the printed Votes, 

F f f againfl 

402 7i the Freemen of Penfyfoanla. 

againft the Lord Proprietary ; for which that 
faction are now abufing them in both the lan 
guages J of the province, with all the virulence 
that reverend malice can dictate ; enforced by 
numberlefs barefaced falftioods, that only the 
.mod dimoneft and bafe would dare to invent, 
and none but the moft weak and credulous can 
poflibly believe. 

1 [It is hardly necefTary to mention here, that Pcnfylvania was 
fettled by a mixture of German and Englijb. E.J 


[P.p.] [ 403 ] 

Remarks on a late Proteft againft the Appointment of 
Mr. FRANKLIN as Agent for this Province 
[of Penfylvania], 

I Have generally pafTed over, with a filent difre- 
gard, the namelejs abufive pieces that have been 
written againft me -J- ; and though this paper, 
called a PROTEST, is figned by Tome refpectable 
names, I was, neverthelefs, inclined to treat it 
with the fame indifference - t But as the AfTembly 
is therein reflected on upon my account, it is 
thought more my duty to make fome remarks 
upon it. 

I would firft obferve then, that this mode of 
protefting by the minority, with a firing of rea- 
fons againft the proceedings of the majority of 
the Houfe of AfTembly, is quite new among us ; 
the prefent is the fecond we have had of the kind, 
and both within a few months. It is unknown 
to the practice of the Houfe of Commons, or of 
any Houfe of Reprefentatives in America, that I 
have heard of ; and feems an affected imitation of 
the Lords in Parliament -, which can by no means 
become AfTembly-men of America. Hence ap 
pears the abfurdity of the complaint, that the 
Houfe refufed the Proteft an entry on their mi 
nutes. The protefters know that they are not, 
by any cuftom or ufage, intitled to fuch an entry ; 
and that the practice here is not only ufelefs in 
itfelf, but would be highly inconvenient to the 

t [N,B, This was written and figned by Dr, Franklin. E.] 

Fff2 Houfe* 

404 Reply to a Protefl ctgainft.'Dr. Franklin, 

Houfe ; fince it would probably be thought ne- 
cefTary for the majority alfo to enter their reafons, 
to juftify themfelves to their constituents; whereby 
the minutes would be incumbered, and the pub 
lic bufinefs obftru&ed. More efpecially will it 
be found inconvenient, if fuch P f otefts are madf? 
ufe of as a new form of libelling, as the vehicles 
of perfonal malice, and as means of giving to pri 
vate abufe the appearance of a fan&ion as public 
acts. Your Proteft, Gentlemen, was therefore 
properly refufed -, and iince it is no part of the 
proceedings of AiTembly, one may with the more 
freedom examine it. 

Your firfl reafon againfl my appointment is, that 
you " believe me to be the chief author of the 
" meafures purfued by the laft AfTembly, which 
" have ocean* oned fuch uneafinefs and diftraclion 
" among the good people of this province." I 
fhall not difpute my (hare in thofe meafures ; I 
hope they are fuch as will in time do honour to all 
that were concerned in them. But you feem 
miftaken in the order of time : It was the unea- 
iinefs and distraction among the good people of 
the province that occafioned the meafures ; the 
province was inconfufion before they were taken, 
^n4 they were purfued in order to prevent fuch 
uneafinefs and diftra&ion for the future. Make 
one ftep farther back, and you will find proprie 
tary injustice fupported by proprietary minions 
and creatures, the original caufe of all our unea 
finefs and diitrations, 


[P.P.] as Provincial Agent. 405 

Another of your reafons is, " that I am, as 
" you are informed, very unfavourably thought 
" of by feveral of his Majeflys minijlers." I 
apprehend, Gentlemen, that your informer is 
miftaken. He indeed has taken great pains tQ 
give unfavourable impreffions of me, and perhaps 
may flatter himfelf, that it is impoffible fo much 
true induftry mould be totally without effet. His 
long fuccefs in maiming or murdering all the 
reputations that ftand in his way (which has been 
the dear delight and conftant employment of his 
life) may likewife have given him fome juft ground 
for confidence that he has, as they call it, done 
for me, among the reft. But, as I faid before, I 
believe he is miflaken. For what have I done 
that they mould think unfavourably of me ? It 
cannot be my conftantly and uniformly promoting 
the meafures of the crown, ever fince I had any 
influence in the province. It cannot, furely, be 
my promoting the change from a proprietary to 
a royal government. If indeed I had, by fpeeches 
and writings, endeavoured to make his Majefty's 
government univerfally odious in the province : 
If I had harangued by the week, to all comers 
and goers, on the pretended injuftice and oppref- 
fions of royal government, and the flavery of the 
people under it : If I had written traitorous pa 
pers to this purpofe, and got them tranflated into 
other languages, to give his Majefty's foreign fbb- 
jects here thofe horrible ideas of it : if I had de- 
dared, written and printed, that " the King's 

" little: 

406 Reply to a Proteft agamjl Dr. Franklin, 

" little finger we mould find heavier than the 
" Proprietor's whole loins," with regard to our 
liberties ; then indeed might the miniilers be fup- 
pofed to think unfavourably of me. But thefe 
are not exploits for a man who holds a profitable 
office under the crown, and can expect to hold it 
no longer than he behaves with the fidelity and 
duty that becomes every good fubje6t. They are 
only for officers of proprietary appointment ; who 
hold their commiffions during his, and not the 
King's, pleafure ; and who, by dividing among 
themfelves and their relations, offices of many 
thoufands a year enjoyed by proprietary favour, 
feel where to place their loyalty. I wiih they 
were as good fubjects to his Majejly ; and per 
haps they may be fo, when the proprietary inter 
feres no longer. 

Another of your reafons is, " that the propofal 
** of me for an agent t is extremely difagreeable to 
*' a very great number of the moft ferious and 
*' reputable inhabitants of the province ; and the 
" proof is, my having been rejected at the laft 
" election, though I had reprefented the city in 
*' Aflembly for fourteen years." 

And do thofe of you, Gentlemen, reproach me 
with this, who, among near four thoufand voters, 
had fcarcely a fcore more than I had ? It feems 
then, that your elections were very near being 
rejections, and thereby furniming the fame proof 
in, your cafe that you produce in mine, of your 
being likewife extremely difagreeable to a very 


[P.P.] as Provincial Agent. 407 

great number of the moft ferious and reputable 
people. Do you, honourable Sir, reproach me 
with chis; who for almoft twice 14 years have been 
rejected (if not being chofen is to be rejefted) by the 
fane people ; and (unable, with all your wealth 
and connections, and the influence they give you, 
to obtain an election in the county where you re- 
fide, and the city where you were born, and are 
beil known j) have been obliged to accept a feat 
from one of the out counties, the remoteft of the 
province ! It is known, Sir, to the perfons who 
propofed me, that I was firft chofen again ft my 
inclination , and againft my entreaties that I might 
be fuffered to remain a private man. In none of 
the 14 elections you mention did I ever appear as 
a candidate. 1 never did, directly, or indirectly 
folicit any man's vote. For fix of the years in which 
I was annually chofen, I was abfent ; refiding in 
England ; during all which time, your, fecret and 
open attacks upon my character and reputation 
were inceffant; and yet you gained no ground. 
And can you really, Gentlemen, find matter of 
triumph in this rejeSiion as you call it? A mo 
ment's reflection on the means by which it was 
obtained, muft make you afhamed of it 

Not only my duty to the crown, in carrying the 
port-office act more duly into execution, was made 
ufe of to exafperate the ignorant, as if I was en- 
creafing my own profits, by picking their pockets; 
but my very zeal inoppofing the murderers, and 
fupporting the authority of government; and even 


40 8 Reply to a P rot eft agalnft Dr. Franklin, 

my humanity, with regard to the innocent Indians 
under our protection ; were muttered among my 
offences, to fHr up againft me thofe religious bi 
gots, who are of all favages the inoftbrutim. Add 
to this the numberlefs falfhoods propagated as 
truths ; and the many perjuries procured among 
the wretched rabble brought to fwear themfelves 
Intitled to a vote; And yet fo poor a fuperiority 
obtained at all this expence of honour and con- 
fcience ! can this, Gentlemen, be matter of tri 
umph ? Enjoy it then, Your exultation, however, 
was fhort. Your artifices did not prevail every 
where; nor your double tickets, and whole boxes 
of forged votes. A great majority of the new 
chofen affembly were of the old members, and 
remain uncorrupted. They ilill flood firm for the 
people, and will obtain juiiice from the proprieta 
ries. But what does that avail to you, who are in 
the proprietary intereft ? And what comfort can 
it afford you, when, by the affembly's choice of 
an agent, it appears that the fame, to you obnoxi 
ous, man, (notwithftanding all your venomous 
inve&ives againft him) frill retains fo great a mare 
of the public confidence ? 

But " this flep, you fay, gives you the more 
" lively affliction -, as it is taken at the very mo- 
" ment when you were informed by a member 
" of the houfe, that the governor had affured him 
*' of his having received inftru&ions from the 
" proprietaries, to give his affent to the taxation 
" of their eftates; in the fame manner that the 

" eflates 

[P. P.] as Provincial Agent. 409 

" eftates of other perfons are to be taxed \ and alfo 
" to confirm, for the public ufe, the feveral 
" fquares formerly claimed by the city." O the 
force of friend/hip ! the power of intereft ! What 
politenefs they infufe into a writer, and what de 
licate expreffions they produce ! The difpute be 
tween the proprietaries and us was about the 
quantum, the rate of their taxation; and not about 
the manner -, But now, when all the world con 
demns them for requiring a partial exemption of 
their eftates, and they are forced to fubmit to an 
honeft equality, it is called " ajfenting to be taxed 
" in the fame manner with the people. " Their 
refiitution of five public fquares in the plan of the 
city,, which they had near forty years unjuftly and 
dishonourably feized and detained from us, (direct 
ing their furveyor to map ftreets over them, in 
order to turn them into lots, and their officers to 
fell a part of them ;) this their dif gorging, is foftly 
called confirming them for the public ufe ; and in- 
ilead of the plain words " 'formerly given to the city, 
" by the firft proprietary their father," we have 
the cautious pretty expreffion of " formerly claimed 
" by the city:" Yes ; not only formerly, but 
always claimed, ever fince they were prom'ifed 
and given to encourage the fettlers ; and ever will 
be claimed, till we are put in actual pofTerTion of 
them. It is pleafant, however, to fee how lightly 
and tenderly you trip over thefe matters, as if you 
trod upon eggs. But that " VERY MOMENT ;" 
that precious moment! Why was it fo long de 
layed ? Why were thofe healing inflructLons fo 

G g g long 

4 1 o Reply to a Protejl againft Dr. Franklin, 

long withheld and concealed from the people ? 
They were, it feems, brought over by Mr. Allen *'r 
Intelligence was received by various hands from 
London, that orders were fent by the proprietaries, 
from which great hopes were entertained of an 
accommodation. Why was the bringing and the 
delivery of fiich orders Ib long denied? The reafon 
is eaiily underftood. Mefiieurs Barclays, friends 
to both proprietaries and people, wifhed for that 
Gentleman's happy arrival j hoping his influence, 
added to the power and commiflions the proprie 
taries had verted him with, might prove effectual 
in reftoring harmony and tranquillity among us ; 
But he, it feems, hoped his influence might do 
thebufmefs, without thofe additions. There ap 
peared on his arrival fome profpect (from fundry 
circumflances) of a change to be made in the houfe 
by the approaching election. The proprietary 
friends and creatures knew the heart of their 
mafler; and how extremely difagreeable to him 
that equal taxation, that reflitution, and the other 
concejjions to be made for the fake of a reconcilia 
tion, muft necelTarily be. They hoped therefore 
to fpare him all thofe mortifications, and thereby 

* Extract of a Letter, dated London, Auguft 6, 1 7 64, fro m David 
Barclay and Sons, to Mejfieurs James and Drinker. 

" We very much wifh for William Allen's happy arrival on your 
" fide ; when we hope his influence, added to the foiver and com- 
mijjions the proprietaries have inverted him with, may prove effec 
tual, in reftoring harmony and tranquillity among you, fo much 
to be defired by every well-wifher to your province. Pray be af- 
furedof our fincereil and bell wilhes for the fuccefs of this falutary 
work, and that nothing in our power, to contribute thereto, will 
ever be wanting." 


[P.P.] as Provincial Agent. 411 

fecure a greater portion of his favour. Hence the 
infhuctions were not produced to the laft aiTembly; 
though they arrived before the September fitting, 
when the governor was in town, and actually did 
bufinefs with the houfe. Nor to the new aflembly 
were they mentioned ; till the " ver*> mom nt" 
the fatal moment, y.'hen t h e houfe were on the 
Pir,t or choofing that wicked adverfary of the 
proprietary, to be an agent for the province in 

But I have, you fay, a " fixed enmity to the 
proprietaries '," and "you believe it will" pre- 
" dude all accommodation of our difputes with 
" them, even on juft and reafonable terms." 
And why do you think I have a fixed enmity to 
the proprietaries ? I have never had any perfonal 
difference with them. I am no land-jobber ; and 
therefore have never had any thing to do with 
their land-office or officers; if I had, probably, 
like others, I might have been obliged to truckle 
to their meafures, or have had like caufes of com 
plaint. But our private interefts never clamed ; 
and all their refentment againft me, and mine to 
them, has been on the public account. Let them 
do juftice to the people of Penfylvania, act ho 
nourably by the citizens of Philadelphia, and be 
come honeft men ; my enmity, if that's of any 
coniequence, ceafes from the " very moment ;" 
and, as loon as I poffibly can, I promife to love, 
honour and refpecl them. In the mean time, 
\Viiy do you " believe it will preclude all ac- 
" commodation with them on juft and reafonable 

G g g 2 " terms ?" 

4 1 2 Reply to a Pr-oteft againft Dr. Franklin , 

" terms ?" Do you not boaft, that their gracious 
condefceniions are in the hands of the governor ; 
and that " if this had been the ufual time for 
" bulinefs, his honour would have fent them 
" down in a mefTage to the houfe." How then 
can my going to England prevent this accommo 
dation ? The governor can call the Houfe when 
he pleafes ; and, one would think, that, at leaft 
in your opinion, my being out of the way would 
be a favourable circumftance. For then, by " cul- 
" tivating the difpofition mown by the proprie- 
" taries, every reafonabk demand that can be made 
" on the part of the people might be obtained: 
" in vigoroufly infixing on which, you promife 
" to unite moft earneftly with the reft of the 
" Houfe." It feems then we have " reafonabk 
" demands' to make, and as you call them a lit 
tle higher, equitable demands. This is much for 
proprietary minions to own \ But you are all 
growing better, in imitation of your mafter, which 
is indeed very commendable. And if the accom 
modation here mould fail, I hope that though you 
diflike the perfon a majority of two to one in the 
Houfe have thought fit to appoint an agent ; you 
will neverthelefs, in duty to your country, con 
tinue the noble refolution of uniting with the reft 
of the Houfe, in vigoroufly infifting on that equity 
andjufa'ce, which fuch an union will undoubtedly 
obtain for us. 

I pafs over the trivial charge againft the Af- 
fembly, that they " acled with unneceffary hajle 
to this appointment,, without 

" making 

[P.P.] ez/ Provincial Agent. 413 

" making a fmall adjournment," &c. and your 
affected apprehenfions of danger from that hafte. 
The neceflity of expedition on this occafion is as 
obvious to every one out of doors, as it was to thofe 
within; and the fears you mention are not, I fancy, 
conliderable enough to break your reft. I come 
then to your high charge againft me, " That I 
" heretofore ventured, contrary to an act of Af- 
" fembly, to place the public money in the flocks; 
" whereby this province fufFered a lofs of 6oool. 
*' and that fum, added to the 5000!. granted for 
" my expences, makes the whole coft of my for- 
ft mer voyage to England amount to ELEVEN 
" THOUSAND POUNDS !" How wifely was that 
form in our laws contrived, which when a man 
is arraigned for his life, requires the evidence to 
fpeak the truth, the whole truth, and nothing but 
the truth ! The reafon is manifefr.. A falfhood 
may deflroy the innocent ; fo may part of a truth 
without the whole-, and a mixture of truth and 
falfhood may be full as pernicious. You, Mr. 
Chief Juftice, and the other juftices among the 
protefters, and you, Sir, who are a Counfellor at 
Law ; muft all of you be well acquainted with 
this excellent form ; and when you arraigned my 
reputation (dearer to me than life) before the Af- 
fembly, and now at the refpeftable tribunal of 
the public ; would it not have well become your 
Honours to have had fome fmall regard at leafl to 
the fpirit of that form ? You might have men 
tioned, that the direction of the aft to lodge the 
money in the Bank, fubjecl: to the drafts of the 


414 Reply to a Protefiagainft Dr. Frank] i n , 

truftees of the loan-office here, was impracticable; 
that the bank refufed to receive it on thofe terms ; 
it beingcontrary to their fettled rules to takecharge 
of money fubject to the orders of unknown people 
living in diftant countries. You might have men 
tioned, that the houfe being informed of this, 
and having no immediate call for the money, did 
themfehes adopt the meafure of placing it in the 
flocks, which then were low -, where it might 
on a peace produce a confiderable profit, and in, 
the mean time accumulate an interefl : That 
they even pafTed a bill, directing the fubfequent 
fums granted by parliament, to be placed with the 
former: that the meafure was prudent and fafe; 
and that the lofs arofe, not from placing the money 
IN the flocks, but from the imprudent and un- 
necefTary DRAWING IT OUT at the very time when 
they were lowefl, on fome flight uncertain rumours 
of a peace concluded : that if the arTembly had let 
it remain another year, inflead of lofmg they would 
have gained Six T'houfand pounds ; and that after 
all, fince the exchange at which they fold their 
bills, was near twenty per cent, higher when they 
drew than when the flocks were purchafed, the 
lofs was far from being fo great as you reprefent it. 
All thefe things you might have faid; for they are, 
and you know them to be, part of the whole truth ; 
but they would have fpoiled your accufation. 
The late fp.aker of your honourable Houfe, Mr. 
Norris, (who has, I fuppofe, all my letters to 
him, and copies of his own to me, relating to 
that tranfaction) can teflify with how much in 

[P.P.] as Provincial Agent. 4 1 5 

tegrity and clearnefs I managed the whole affair. 
All the Houie were fenfible of it, being from, 
time to time fully acquainted with the fa<5ls. If I 
had gone to gaming in the (locks with the public 
money, and through my fault a fum was loft, as 
your proteft would infinuate ; why was I not cen- 
fured and punifhed for it when I returned ? You, 
honourable Sir (my enemy of feven years {landing) 
was then in the Houfe. You were appointed on 
the committee for examining my accounts ; you 
reported that you found them juft, and iigned that 
report*. I never folicited the employ of agent; 

I made 

* Report of the Committee on Benjamin Franklin'/ Accounts. 
" In obedience to the order of the Houfe, we have examined the 
account of Benjamin Franklin, Efq; with the vouchers to us pro 
duced in fupport thereof; and do find the fame account to be juft, 
and that he has expended, in the immediate fervice of this pro 
vince, the fum of Seven hundred and Fourteen pounds, 'Tenjhillings 
and Seven-pence, out of the fum of Fifteen hundred pounds fterling, 
to him remitted and paid; exclufive of any allowance or charge 
for his fupport and fervices for the province. 


February 19, 1763. JOHN Ross, JOHN WILKINSON, 



" The Houfe taking the foregoing report of the committee of ac- 
*' counts into consideration, and having fpent fome time therein, 

" Refolded, 

" That the fum of Five hundred pounds fterling per annum be 
allowed and given to Benjamin Franklin, Efq; late agent for the 
province of Penfylvania at the court of Great Britain, during his 
abfence of fix years from his bufinefs and connections, in the fer 
vice of the public ; and that the thanks of this Houfe be alfo given 
to the faid Gentleman by Mr. Speaker, from the chair ; as well 
for the faithful difcharge of his duty to this province in particular, 
as for the many and important fervices done America in general, 
4 during his refidence in Great Britain. 3 * 


4 1 6 Reply to a Proteft agalnft Dr. Franklin, 

I made no bargain for my future fervice, when I 
was ordered to England by the arTembly ; nor did 
they vote me any falary. I lived there near fix 
years at my own expence ; and I made no charge 
or demand when I came home. You, Sir, of all 
others, was the very member that propofed (for 
the honour , and juftice of the Houfe) a compenfa- 
tion to be made me of the Five thouf and pounds 
you mention. Was it with an intent to reproach 
me thus publicly for accepting it? I thanked the 
Houfe for it then, and I thank you now for pro- 
poling it : Though you, who have lived in Eng 
land, can eafily conceive, that befides the prejudice 
to my private affairs by my abfence, a Thouf and 
-pounds more would, not have reimburfed me. 
The money voted was immediately paid me. But 
if I had occafioned the lofs of Six thouf and pounds 
to the province, here was a fair opportunity of 
fecu ring eafily the greatell part of it; why was 
not the Five thoufand pounds deducted, and the 
remainder called for ? The reafon is, this accu- 
fation was not then invented. Permit me to add, 

Thurfday, March 31, 1763. 

" Purfuant to a refolve of the nineteenth of lalt month, that the 
thanks of this Houfe be given to Benjamin Franklin, Efq; for 
his many fervices noj: only to the province tf-Penjyl'vania, but to 
America in general, during his late agency at the court of Great 
Britain j the fame were this day accordingly given in form from 
the chair. To which Mr. Franklin, refpe&fully addreffing 
himfelf to the Speaker, made anfwer, That he was thankful to 
the Houfe, for the very handfome and generous allowance they 
had been pleafed to make him for his fervices ; but that the ap 
probation of this Houfe was, in his eftimation, far above every 
** other kind of recornpence." Votes, 1763. 


[P.P.] as Provincial Agent* 417 

that fuppofing the whole Eleven thoufand pounds 
an cxpence occafioned by my voyage to England-, 
yet the taxation of the proprietary eftate now efta- 
blifhed, will, when valued by years purchafe, be 
found in time an advantage to the public, far ex 
ceeding that expence. And if the expence is at 
prefent a burthen, the odium of it ought to lie 
on thole who, by their injuftice, made the voyage 
neceflkry ; and not on me, who only fubmitted 
to the orders, of the houfe, in undertaking it. 

I am now to take leave (perhaps a laft leave) 
of the country I love, and in which I have fpent 
the greateft part of my life. ESTO PERPETUA.. 
I wifh every kind of profperity to my friends* 
* and I forgive my enemies *. 


* [Dr. Franklin appears from this pafiage to have been on the 
point of returning to England. See alfo his Examination, p. 294. 


41 8 PREFACE to Mr. Galloway 's Speech. 

PR E F A c E by a Member of the Penfylvanian Affembly 
[viz. Dr. Franklin] to the Speech of Jofeph 
Galloway, Efq; one of the Members for Phila 
delphia County -, in Anfiver to the Speech of 
John Dickinfon, Efq; delivered in the Houfe 
of Affembly of the Province of Penfylvania y 
May 24, 1764$ on Occafion of a Petition 
drawn up by Order, and then under the Confe 
deration of the Houfe, praying His Majejly for a 
Royal, in lieu of a Proprietary, Government *. 

TTT is not merely becaufe Mr.JD/H'm/cvz's fpeech 
* was ufliered into the. world by a preface, that 
one is made to this of Mr. Galloway. But as in 

* [As I am very much unacquainted with the hiftory and prin 
ciples of thefe provincial politics, I (hall confine myfelf to fome im- 
yerfeft anecdotes concerning the parties, &c. A fpeech which Mr. 
Dickinfon had delivered in the Penfylvania aflembly againft the abo 
lition of the proprietary government, having been publiihed, and a 
preface having been written to it as I think by a Dr. Smith ; Mr. 
Galloway's fpeech was held forth as a proper anfwef to that fpeech , 
-while the preface tQ it appeared balanced by the above preface from 
Dr. Franklin. Mr. Galloway's fpeech, or probably the advertife- 
rnent that attended itj urged, I believe, Mr. Dickinfon firft to a chal 
lenge, and then to a printed reply. The controverfy was quickly 

Tepublimed in England, or at lead the principal parts of it; and it 
is from the Englifh edition of Mr. Galloway's fpeech, (printed in 
London by Nichols in 1765) that I have copied the above. 

Thefe feveral gentlemen however feem for a time to have better 
agreed in their fubfequent opinions, concerning American taxation 
by Great Britain ; Mr. Dickinfon in particular having taken a very 
fpirited line in the Farmer's Letters and other pieces, which procured 
him considerable reputation. The Congrefs declaration neverthelefs 
for independence, was reported not to have given perfect fatisfadlion, 
at firft, either to himfelf or to Mr. Galloway. And in the event, 
Mr. Galloway, thought proper to come over to General Howe, and 
afterwards to embark for England. E.J 


[P.P.] Of Governors bargaining ivitbAffemblies. 419 

that preface a number of afperfions were thrown 
on our ailemblies, and their proceedings grofly 
mifreprefented ; it was thought necefiary to wipe 
thofe afperfions off by fome proper animadvern'ons; 
and by a true ilate of facts, to rectify thofe mif- 

The preface begins with faying, that ' Gover- 
' nor Denny, (whofe adminiftration will never be 
c mentioned but with difgrace in the annals of 

* this province,) was induced by confiderations to 

* which the world is now no ftranger, to pafs 
' fundry acts,' &c. thus infinuating, that by fome 
unufual bafe bargain fecretly made, but afterwards 
difcovered, he was induced to pafs them. 

It is fit, therefore, without under taking to juf- 
tify all that Governor's admin iflration, to mew 
what thofe confiderations were. Ever fince the 
revenue of the quit-rents firfc, and after that, the 
revenue of tavern-licences, were fettled irrevo 
cably on our proprietors and governors ; they have 
looked on thofe incomes as their proper eftate, 
for which they were under no obligations to the 
people : and when they afterwards concurred in 
paffing any ufeful laws, they confidered them as 
fo many jobs,, for which they ought to be par 
ticularly paid. Hence arofe the cuftom of pre- 
fents twice a year to the Governors, at the clofe 
of each feffion in which laws were pafTed, given 
at the time of paffing : they ufually amounted to 
a thoufand pounds per annum. But when the 
Governors and AfTemblies diiagreed, fo that laws 

H h h 2 were; 

PREFACE to Mr. Galloway V Speech. 

were not pafled, the prefents were withheld.-*^ 
When a diipofition to agree enfued, there fome- 
times ftill remained fomt diffidence. The Governors 
would not pafs the laws thut were wanted, with 
out being fure of the. money, even all that they 
called their arrears j nor the AfFembiies iy.e the 
money without being fure of the laws. Thence 
the neceffity of fome private conference, in which 
mutual affurances of good faith might be received 
and given, that the tranfactions fhould go hand 
in hand. What name the impartial reader will 
give to this kind of commerce, I cannot fay :' To 
me it appears an extortion of more money from 
the people, for that to which they had before an 
undoubted right, both by the confHtution and by 
purchafe ; but there was no other lliop they could 
go to for the commodity they wanted, and they 
were obliged to comply. Time eftablifhed the 
cuftom, and made it ieem honed ; fo that our 
Governors, even thole of the moft undoubted 
honour, have practiced it. Governor Thomas, 
after a long mifunderftanding with the Aflembly, 
went more openly to work with them in manag 
ing this commerce, and they with him. The 
fact is curious, as it ilands recorded in the votes 
of 1742-3. Sundry bills fent up to the Governor 
for his ailent had lain long in his hands, without 
any anfwer. Jan. 4. the Houfe ' Ordered, That 
' Thomas Leech and Edward Warner wait upon 
' the Governor j and acquaint him, that the Houfe 

* had long waited for his refult on the bills that 

* lie before him, and deiire to know when they 

4 may 

[P.P.] OfGoverttors bargaining wlthdjjemblies. 4^1 

' may expedfc it :' The gentlemen return, and re 
port, ' That they waited upon the Governor, and 

* delivered the meiTage of the Houfe according to 
' order j and that the Governor was pleafed to lay, 

* He had had the bills long under confederation, 

* and waited the refult of the Houfe.' The Houfe 
well underftood this hint -, and immediately re- 
folved into a committee of the whole Houfe, to 
take what was called the Governor's fupport into 
confideration ; in which they made (the minutes 
fay) Jbme frogrcfs j and the next morning it ap 
pears, that that progrefs, whatever it was, had 
been communicated to him ; for he fent them 
down this meflage by his fecretary: ' Mr. Speaker, 
' The Governor commands me to acquaint you, 
' that as he has received afTurances of a good dif- 
f pofition in the Houfe, he thinks it incumbent qn 

* him to mew the like on his part ; and therefore 
' fends down the bills which lay before him, 

* without any amendment.' As this merTage only 
fhewed a good difpofition, but contained no prq- 
mife to pals the bills, the Houfe feem to have had 
their doubts ;' and therefore, February 2, when 
they came to refolve, on the report of the grand 
committee, to give the money, they guarded their 
refolves very cautiouily, viz. ' Refblved, Thatc?/ 

* the pafage of fuch bills as now lie before the 

* Governor, (the naturalization bill, and fuch 
' other bills as may be prefented to him during 
' this fitting) there be PAID him the fum of Five 
' hundred pounds. Refolved alfo, That on the 
' pafiage of fuch bills as now lie before the- Go- 

* vernor 


422 PREFACE to Mr. Galloway'/ Speech. 

vernor (the naturalization bill, and fuch other 
bills as may be prefented to him this fitting) 
there be PAID to the Governor the -further fum. 
of Gne thoufand pounds, for the current year's 
fupport ; and that orders be drawn on the trea- 
furer and truftees of the loan-office, purfuant to 
thefe refolves.' The orders were accordingly 
drawn ; with which being acquainted, he ap 
pointed a time to pafs the bills ; which was done 
with one hand, while he received the orders in 
the other : and then with the utmoil politenefs 
[he] thanked the Houfe for the Fifteen hundred 
pounds, as if it had been a pure free gift, and a 
mere mark of their refpect and affection. * I thank 
yoUy Gentlemen (fays he) for this inftance of 
your regard; which I am the more pleafed with, 
as it gives an agreeable profpect of 'future bar- 
mony between me and the reprefentatives of the 
people/ This, reader, is an exact counterpart. 
of the tranfaction with Governor Denny ; except 
that Denny fent word to the Houfe, that he would 
pafs the bills before they voted the fupport. And 
yet here was no proprietary clamour about bri 
bery, &c. And why fo ? Why at that time the 
proprietary family, by virtue of zfecret bond they 
haa obtained of the Governor at his appointment, 
were iojhare with him the fums fo obtained of the 
people ! 

This refervation of the proprietaries they, were 
at that time a little afhamed of; and therefore 
fuch bonds were then to be fccrets. But as in 
every kind, of finning frequent repetition lelTens 


[P.P.] QftjQ^ertorsbargtiningvotthAfrembiies. 42$ 

fhame, and increafes boldnefs j we find the pro 
prietaries ten years afterwards, openly in fitting on 
thefe advantages to themfelves, over and above what 
was paid to their deputy : * Wherefore (fay they *) 
' on this occafion it is neceflary that we mould 
c inform the people, through yourfelves their re- 

* prefentatives ; that as by the conftitution OUR 

* CONSENT is NECESSARY to their LAWS, at 

* the fame time that they have an undoubted right 
f to fuch as are neceflhry for the defence and real 

* fervice of the country > fo it will tend the better 
' to facilitate the feveral matters which muil be 
'* tranfafted with us, for their reprefentatives to 

* ihew a regard to us and our INTEREST/ This 
was in their an Aver to the reprefentation of the 
aflembly, [Votes, December, 1754, p. 48.] on 
the juftice of theircontributing to Indian expences, 
which they had refufed. And on this claufe the 
committee make the following remark: 'They 

* tell us, their confent is necefiary to our laws, 

* and that it will tend the better to facilitate the 
' matters which muft be tranfacled with them, 
' for the reprefentatives to mew a regard to their 

* INTEREST: That is, (as we underfland it) 
c though the Proprietaries have a deputy here, 

* fupported by the province, who is, or ought to 
' be, fully impowered to pafs all laws neceflary for 

* the fervice of the country ; yet, before we can 

* obtain fuch laws, we muft facilitate their pafTage 

* by paying money for the proprietaries, which 

* they ought to pay; or in fome fhape make it 

* [i. e. to the A/Tembly. E.j 

c their 

424 P-K.E F A c E to Mr. Galloway 's Speech. 

' their particular INTEREST to pa is them. We 
' hope, however, that if this practice has ever 
' been began, it will never be continued in this 

* j. i'ovince ; and that fince, as this very paragraph 
' allows, we have an undoubted right to fuch 
' laws, we mall always be able to obtain them from, 
( the goodnefs of our fovereign, without going to 

* market for them to a fubje'dt.' Time has mewn 
that thole hopes were vain j they have been obliged 
to go to that market ever fince, directly or indi- 
redtly; of go without their laws. The practice 
has continued : and will continue, as long as the 
proprietary government fubfifts, intervening be 
tween the crown and the people. 

Do not, my courteous reader, take pet at our 
proprietary constitution, for thefe our bargain and 
fale proceedings in legiilation. It is a happy 
country where juftice, and what was your own 
before, can be had for ready money. It is ano 
ther addition to the value of money, and of 
ccurfe another fpur to induftry. Every land is 
not fo blelTed. There are countries where the 
princely proprietor claims to be lord of all pro 
perty, where what is your own fhall not only be 
wrefted from you; but the money you give to have 
it reftored ihall be kept with it; and your offering 
fo much, being a fign of your being too rich, you 
fhall be plundered of every thing that remained. 
Thefe times are not come here yet : Your prefent 
proprietors have never been more unreasonable 
hitherto, than barely to infill: on your fighting in 
defence of their property, and paying the expence 


[P.P.] Of Governors bargaining mthAJfemblies. 425 

yourfelves ; or if their eftates muft [ah ! mujfi be 
taxed towards it, that the beft of their lands mall 
be taxed no higher than the worfl of yours. 

Pardon this digremon, and I return to Gover 
nor Denny; But firft let me do Governor Ha 
milton the juftice to obferve, that whether from 
the uprightnefs of his own difpofition, or from 
the odious light the practice had been fet in on 
Denny's account, or from both; he did not at 
tempt thefe bargains, but parTed fuch laws as he 
thought fit to pafs, without any previous ftipula- 
tion of pay for them. But then, when he faw 
the aflembly tardy in the payment he expected, 
and yet calling upon him ftill to pafs more laws ; 
he openly put them in mind of the money, as a 
debt due to him from cuftom. ' in the courfe 
' of the prefent year (fays he, in his mefTage of 
* July 8, 1763,) a great deal of public bufinefs 
hath been tranfacted by me, and I believe as 
many ufeful laws enacted, as by any of my pre- 
deceflbrs in the fame fpace of time ; yet I have 
not underftood that any allowance hath hitherto 
been made to me for my fupport, as hath been 
cuftomary in this province.' The houfe having 
then fome bills in hand, took the matter into im 
mediate confederation, and voted him five hundred 
pounds ; for which an order or certificate was 
accordingly drawn : And on the fame day the 
fpeaker, after the houfe had been with the gover 
nor, reported, ' That his Honour had been pleafed 
' to give his aiTent to the bills, by enacting the 
* fame into laws. And Mr. Speaker farther re- 

I i i * ported, 

426 PREFACE to Mr. Galloway'* Speech. 

< ported, That he had then, in behalf of the houfe, 

* prefented their certificateof FivehundredPounds 
to the Governor; who was pleafed to fay, hewa$ 

* obliged to the houfe for the fame.' Thus we 
fee the practice of purchafing and paying for laws 
is interwoven with our proprietary conftitution, 
ufed in the beft times, and under the beft Gover 
nors. And yet, alas poor afTembly ! how will 
you fteer your brittle bark between thefe rocks ? 
If you pay ready money for your laws, and thofe 
laws are not liked by the proprietaries, you are 
charged with bribery and corruption : If you wait 
a 'while before you pay, you are accufed of detain 
ing the Governor's cuftomary right, and dunned 
as a negligent or di(honeft debtor, that refufes to 
difcharge a juft debt ! 

But Governor Denny's cafe, I {hall be told> 
differs from all thefe ; for the ats he was induced 
to pafs were, as the Prefacer tells us, f contrary 

* to his duty, and to every tie of honour and juf- 

* tice* Such is the imperfection of our language, 
and perhaps of all other languages, that notwith- 
ftanding we are furnimed with dictionaries innu 
merable, we cannot precifely know the import 
of words, unlefs we know of what party the man 
is that ufes them. In the mouth of an affembly- 
man, or true Penfylvanian, *' contrary to his duty 
" and to every tie of honour andjuitice," would 
mean ; the Governor's long refufa] to pafs laws, 
however jufl and necelTary, for taxing the pro 
prietary eftate : A refufa], contrary to the truft 

3 repofed 

[P, P.] Proprietaries Obje&ions to a Law. 427 

repofed in the Lieutenant-Governor by the royal 
charter to the rights of the people, whofe welfare 
it was his duty to pron ',te ; and to the nature of 
the contract made between the Governor and the 
governed, when the quit- rents and licence fees 
were eftablifhed, which confirmed what the pro 
prietaries call our " undoubted right" to necefTary 
laws. But in the mouth of the Proprietaries, or 
their creatures, "contrary to his duty, and to 
" every tie.of juflice and honour," means his paf- 
ing laws contrary to proprietary inftructions ; and 
contrary to the bonds he had previously given to 
oBferve thofe inuructions : Inftrudtions how 
ever, that were unjuft and unconstitutional -, and 
bonds, that were illegal and void from the be 

Much has been faid of the wickednefs of Go 
vernor Denny in paffing, and of the afTembly in 
prevailing with him to pafs, thofe afts. By the 
Prefacer's account of them, you would think the 
laws fo obtained were all bad ; for he fpeaks of but 
Jeven ; of which fix he fays were repealed, and the 
feventh reported to be. ' fundamentally WRONG 
' and UNJUST/ 'and ought to be repealed, a- 
* lefs fix certain amendments were made there- 
' in*.' Whereas in fadt there were nineteen of 
them; and feveral of thofe mufl have been good 
laws, for even the Proprietaries did not object 
to them. Of the eleven that they oppofed, only 

* This aft is intitled, An aft for granting to his Majefty the 
Aim of one hundred thoufand pounds j ftriking the fame in bills of, 
tredit, andfmking the bills by a tax on alieftates real and perfonal, 

I i.i 2 fix- 

428 PREFACED Mr.. Galloway's. Speech. 

fix were repealed ; fo that it feems thefe good 
Gentlemen may themfelves befometimes as wrong 
in oppoling, as the affembly in enacting laws. 
But the words " fundamentally w R o N G and 
" UNJUST" are the great fund of triumph to the 
Proprietaries and their partizans. Thefe their 
fubfequent Governors have unmercifully dinned 
in the ears of the afTembly on all occafions ever 
iince ; for they make a part of near a dozen of 
their melTages. They have rung the changes on 
thofe words, till they worked them up to fay that 
the law was fundamentally wrong and unjuft in 
Jix feveral articles ; (Governor's mefTage, May 17, 
1764.) inftead of ' ought to be repealed, unlefs 
( fix alterations or amendments could be made 

* therein/ A law unjuft in fix feveral articles, 
muft be an unjuft law indeed. Let us therefore, 
once for all, examine this unjuft law, article by 
article 5 in order to fee whether our arTemblies 
have been fuch villains as they have been repre- 

The^r/? particular in which their lordfhips 
propofed the ad: mould be amended was, ' That 
' the real eftates to be taxed, be defined with pre-. 

* cffion -, fo as not to include the unfurveyed wafte 
' land belonging to the proprietaries/ This 
was at moft but an obscurity to be cleared up. 
and though the law might well appear to their 
lordfhips uncertain in that particular; with us, 
who better know our own cuftoms, and that the 
proprietaries wafte unfurveyed land was never here 
conlidered among eftates real, fubjecl: to taxation ; 


[P. P;] Proprietaries Objections to a Law. 429 

there was not the leaft doubt or fuppofition, that 
fuch lands were included in the words " all eftates 
* real and perfonal." The agents therefore*, 
knowing that the arTembly had no intention to tax 
thofe lands, might well fuppofe they would readily 
agree to remove the obfcurity. Before we go far 
ther, let it be obferved, that the main defign of 
the proprietaries in oppofing this act was, to pre 
vent their eftates being taxed at all. But as they 
know that the doctrine of proprietary exemption, 
which they had endeavoured to enforce here, 
could not be fupported there*; they bent their 
whole ftrength againft the act on other principles 
to procure its repeal -, pretending great willing- 
nefs to fubmit to an equitable tax j but that the 
afTembly, (out of mere malice, becaufe they had 
confcientioufly quitted Quakerifm for the church !) 
were wickedly determined to ruin them, to -tax 
all their unfurveyed wildernefs-lands, and at the 
higheft rates ; and by that means exempt them- 
felves and the people, and throw the whole bur 
den of the war on the proprietary family. How 
foreign thefe charges were from the truth, need 
not be told to any man in Penfylvania. And as 
the proprietors knew that the hundred thoufand 
pounds of paper money, ftruck for the defence 
of their enormous eftates, with others ; was ac 
tually ifTued, fpread through the country, and 
in the hands of thoufands of poor people, who 
had given their labour for it ; how bale, cruel, 

* [i. e. In England I fuppofe, when the laws were brought home 
to receive the King's affent. E.] 


430 PREFACE to Mr. Galloway r s Speech. 

and inhuman it was to endeavour, by a repeal of 
the aft, to ftrike the money dead in thofe hands 
at one blow, and reduce it all to wafte paper j to 
the utter confufion of all trade and dealings, and 
the ruin of multitudes, merely to avoid paying 
their ownjuft tax! Words may be wanting to 
exprefs, but minds will eafily conceive, and 
never without abhorrence 1 

The fecond amendment propofed by their 
Lordfhips was, ' That the located uncultivated 
' lands belonging to the proprietaries mail not be 

* affefled higher than the loiveft rate, at which any 
** located uncultivated lands belonging to the in- 
* habitants mall be aflefled.' Had there been 
any proviflon in the act, that the proprietaries 
lands, and thofe of the people, of the fame value,, 
fhould be taxed differently, the one high> and: 
the other low; the act might well have been 
called in this particular fundamentally wrong and 
imjuft. But as there is no fuch claufe, this can 
not be one of the particulars on which the charge 
is founded ; but, like the firft, is merely a requi- 
fition to make the acl: clear -, by exprefs directions 
therein, that the proprietaries eftate mould not be, 
as they pretended to believe it would be, taxed 
higher in proportion to its value than the eftates 
of others. As to their prefent claim, founded on, 
that article, ' that the beft and mofl valuable of 
* their lands, fhould be taxed no higher than 

* the worft and leaft valuable of the people's,' 
it was not then thought of ; they made no fuch 

nor did any one dream that fo iniquitous 

a claim 

{P. P.] Proprietaries Objections to a law. 43* 

a claim would ever be made by men who had the 
leaft pretence to the characters of honourable and 

The third particular Was, < That all lands not 
6 granted by the proprietaries ivithin boroughs an 
* towns , be deemed located uncultivated lands, 
' and rated accordingly j and not as lots/ The 
claufe in the act that this relates to is, ' And 
whereas many valuable lots of ground within 
the city of Philadelphia, and the feveral bo 
roughs and towns within this province, remain 
unimproved ; Be it enacted, &c. That all fuch 
unimproved lots of ground within the city and 
boroughs aforefaid mall be rated and afTefTed 
according to their fituation and value, for and 
towards raifing the money hereby gran ted. '- i 
The reader will obferve, that the word is, all un 
improved lots j and that #// comprehends the lots 
belonging to the people, as well as thofe of the 
proprietary. There were many of the former j 
and a number belonging even to members of the 
then AiTembly; and confidering the value, the 
tax muft be proportionably as grievous to them, 
as the proprietary's to him. Is there among us 
a (ingle man, even a proprietary relation, officer, 
or dependant, fo infenfible of the differences of 
right and wrong, and fo confufed in his notions 
of jufl and unjuft; as to think and fay, that the 
act in this particular was fundamentally wrong 
and unjuft ? 1 believe not one. What then could 
their Lordfhips mean by the propofed amendment? 
Their meaning is eafily explained. The proprieta 

43 2 PREFACED Mr. Galloway 'j- Speech. 

ries have confiderable trails of land within the 
bounds of boroughs and towns, that have not yet 
been divided into lots : They pretended to be 
lieve, that by virtue of this claufe an imaginary 
divifion would be made of thofe lands into lots, 
and an extravagant value fet on fuch imaginary 
lots, greatly to their prejudice. It was anfwered, 
that no fuch thing was intended by the act ; and 
that by lots was meant only fuch ground as had 
been furveyed and divided into lots j and not the 
open undivided lands. If this only is intended, 
fay their lordmips, then let the act be amended, 
fo as clearly to exprefs what is intended. This is 
the full amount of the third particular. How the 
act was underftood here, is well known by the exe 
cution of it before the difpute came on in Eng 
land, and therefore before their lordfhips opi 
nion on the point could be given -, of which full 
proof (hall prefently be made. In the mean time 
it appears, that the act was not on this account 
fundamentally wrong and unjuft. 

The fourth particular is, * That the governor's 
' confent and approbation be made neceilary to 
' every iffue and application of the money, to be 
' raifed by virtue of fuch act.' The afonbly 
intended this, and thought they had done it in 
the act. The words of the claufe being, ' That 
c [the commiffioners named] or the major part of 

* them, or of the furvivors of them, with the con- 
' fent or approbation of, the governor or com- 

* mander in chief of this province for the time 

* being ; fhall order and appoint the difpofition of 


[P.P.] Proprietaries Objections to a Law, 43 j 

' the monies arifing by virtue of this act, for and 
( towards paying and clothing two thoufand 
* feven hundred effective men,' &c. It was un- 
derftood here, that as the power of difpoiing was 
exprefsly to be with the confent and approbation 
of the Governor ; the commiilioners had no power 
to difpofe of the money without that approbation : 
But their lordfhips, jealous (as their ftation re 
quires) of this prerogative of the crown, and being 
better acquainted with the force and weaknefs of 
law expreffion ; did not think the claufe explicit 
enough, unlefs the words " and not otherwife " 
were added, or fome other words equivalent. 
This particular therefore was no more than another 
requisition of greater clearness and precifion ; and 
by no means a foundation for the charge of fun 
damentally wrong and unjuft. 

Thzjiftb particular was, ' That provincial com- 

* miffioners be named, to hear and determine ap- 
( peals, brought on the part of the inhabitants, 

* as well as the proprietaries.' There was already 
fubfifting a provifion for the appointment of 
county commiflioners of appeal ; by whom the 
act might be, and actually has been (as we mall 
prefently fhew) juftly and impartially executed 
with regard to the proprietaries ; But provincial 
commiflioners appointed in the act it was thought 
might be of ufe, in regulating and equalizing the 
modes of arTefiment of different counties, where 
they were unequal ; and, by affording a fecond 
appeal, tend more to the fatisfaction both of the 
proprietaries and the people, This particular was 

K k k therefore 

434 PREFACE to Mr. Galloway 's Speech. 

therefore a mere propofed improvement of the act ; 
which could not be, and was not, in this refpect,. 
denominated fundamentally wrong and unjufl. 

We have now gone through live of the fix pro 
pofed amendments, without difcovering any thing 
on which that cenfure could be founded ; but the 
jixth remains ; which points at a part of the act 
wherein we rriuffc candidly acknowledge there is 
fomething, that, in their lordftiips view of it, 
muft juftify their judgment : The words of the 
pxth article are, ' That the payments by the 

* tenants to the proprietaries of their rents, mall 

* be according to the terms of their refpective 
' grants ; as if fuch act had never been patted.' 
This relates to that claufe of the act by which 
the paper money was made a legal tender in ' dif- 
' charge of all manner of debts, rents, fum and 
' fums of money whatfoever, &c. at the rates 

* afcertained in the aft of parliament made in the 

* fixth of Queen Anne.' From the great injuftice 
frequently done to creditors, and complained of 
from the colonies, by the vaft depreciation of 
paper bills ; it was become a general fixed princi 
ple with the miniftry, that fuch bills (whofe va 
lue, though fixed in the act, could not be kept 
fixed by the act) ought not to be made a legal 
tender in any colony at thofe rates. The parlia 
ment had before patted an act to take that tender 
away in the four New-England colonies, and have 
lince made the act general. This was what their 
lordfhips would therefore have propofed for the 
amendment, But it being represented, That the 

1 * /** 


[P. P.] Proprietaries Objections to a Law. 435 

chief fupport of the credit of the bills was the le 
gal tender ; and that without it they would be 
come of no value, it was allowed generally tore- 
main; with an exception to the proprietaries rents, 
where* there was a fpecial contract for payment 
in another coin. It cannot be denied but that this 
was doing juftice to the proprietaries ; and that, 
had the requifition been in favour of all other cre 
ditors alfo, the juftice had been equal, as being 
general. We do not therefore prefume to impeach 
their lordfhips judgment, that the act, as it en 
forced the acceptance of bills for money at a value 
which they had only nominally, and not really ; 
was in that refpedt fundamentally wrong and un- 
juft. And yetwe believe the Reader will not think 
the affembly fo much to blame, when he confiders 
that the making paper bills a legal tender had been 
the univerfal mode in America for more than 
threefcore years ; that there was fcarce a colony 
that had not pradlrfed that mode more or lefs : 
That it had always been thought abfolutely necef- 
fary, in order to give the bills a credit, and there 
by obtain from them the ufes of money : That 
the inconveniencies were therefore fubmitted to, 
for the fake of the greater conveniences : That 

.1 ^2 

' $lts innumerable of the like kind had been ap 
proved by the crown : And that if the aflembly 
made the bills a legal tender at thofe rates to the 
proprietaries ; the.y made them alfo a legal tender 
to themfelves, and all their constituents ; many of 

{Poffibly this word where, means wherever. E.] 

K k k 2 whom 

436 PREFACE to Mr. Galloway'.; Speech. 

whom might fuffer in their rents, &c. as much 
in proportion to their eilates as the proprietaries. 
But if he cannot on thefe conliderations quite 
excufe the arTembly, what will he think of thofe 
honour able proprietaries 5 who, when paper money 
was iflued in their colony, for the common defence 
of their vaft e/tates with thofe of the people, and 
who mufl therefore reap at leafl equal advantages 
from thofe bills With the people; could neverthe- 
lefs wim to be exempted from their mare of the un 
avoidable difadvantages. Is there upon earth a man 
beiides,with any conception of what is honeft, with 
any notion of honour, with the lead tincture in his 
veins of the Gentleman ; butwould have blufhed at 
the thought -, but would have rejected with difdain. 
fuch undue preference, if it had been offered him ? 
Much lefs would he have flruggled for it, moved 
heaven and earth to obtain it,refolved to ruin thou- 
fands of his tenants by a repeal of the act, rather 
than mifs of it * ; and enforce it afterwards by an 
audacioufly wicked instruction -, forbidding aids to 
his king, and expofing the province to deft-ruction, 
unlefs it was complied with. And yet, Thefe are 
HONOURABLE men -f-. Here 

* This would have been done, and the money all -funk in the 
hands of the people ; if the agents, Benjamin Franklin and Robert 
Cbarhiy had not interpofed, and voluntarily, without authority 
from the aflembly fo to do, but at their own rifque ; undertaken 
that thofe amendments mould be made, or that they themfelves would 
indemnify the proprietaries from any damages they might fuftain for 
want thereof. An adlion which, as the prefacer fays in another cafe, 
" pofterity perhaps may find a name for." 

f It is not eafy to guefs from what fource our proprietaries have 
drawn their principles. Thofe who Itudy law and julttce as a fcience 


[P.P.] Proprietaries Objections to a Law. 437 

Here then we have had a full view of the Af- 
femblys injuftice; about which there has been 
fo much infolent triumph ! But let the proprie 
taries and their difcreet deputies hereafter recoi 
led: and remember, that the fame augufl tribunal 
which cenfured fome of the modes and circum- 
ftances of that act, did at the fame time eflablifli 
and confirm the grand principle of the act, viz. 
" That the proprietary eflate ought, with other 
" eihites, to be taxed :" And thereby did in effect 
determine and pronounce, that the oppontion fo 
long made in various fhapes to that juft principle, 
by the proprietaries,, was fundamentally WRONG 
and UNJUST. An injuflice they were not, like 
the Affembly, under any neceffity of committing 
for the public good ; or any other neceffity, but 
what was impofed on them by thofe bafe paffions 
that ad the tyrant in bad minds ; their felfifhnefs, 
their pride, and their avarice. 

I have frequently mentioned the equitable in 
tentions of the Houfe in thofe parts of the ad that; 
were fuppofed obfcure, and how they were under- 
flood here. A clear proof thereof is found, as I 
have already faid, in the adual execution of the: 
act: In the execution of it before the conteft about: 
it in England ; and therefore before their Lord- 
fhips objedions to it had a being. When the re- 
have eftablifhed it a maxim in equity, " Qui fentit commodum,. 
'' fentire debet et onus." And fo confiitent is this with the common 
fenfe of mankind, that even our loweft untaught coblers and porters, 
feel the force of it in their own maxim (which they are honeft enough', 
ever to difjwte) Touch pot, touch penny." 


438 PREFACE to Mr. Gdlowxy's Speecb. 

port came over, and was laid before the Houfe, 
one year's tax had been levied : and the Affembly, 
confcious that no injuftice had been intended to 
the proprietaries, and willing to rectify it if any 
fliould appear ; appointed a committee of members 
from the ieveral counties to examine into the date 
of the proprietaries taxes through the province, 
and nominated on that committee a gentleman of 
known attachment to the proprietaries, and their 
Chief Juftice, Mr. Allen; to the end that the 
ilricteft inquiry might be made. ffheir report 
\vas as follows: ' We, the committee appointed 
' to inquire into, and confider the ftate of the 
' proprietary taxation through the ieveral coun- 

* ties, and report the fame to the Houie ; have, 

* in purfuance of the faid appointment, carefully 

* examined the returns of property, and com- 

* pared them with the refpeclive afTeffinents there- 

* on made through the whole province; and 
' find, Firft, That no part of the #/&rw}W wafle 
' lands belonging to the proprietaries have, in any 

* inftance, been included in the eftates taxed. 

* Secondly, That fome of the located uncultivated 

* lands belonging to the proprietaries in feveral 
counties remain unafleffed -, and are not in any 
county affeffed higher, than the lands under like 
circumflances belonging to the inhabitants. 
Thirdly, That all lands, not granted by the pro 
prietaries, within boroughs and towns, remain 
untaxed; excepting in a few instances, and in 
thofe they are rated as low, as the lands which 
are granted in the faid boroughs and towns. 


[P. P.] Proprietaries Conduct about a Law. 439 

' The whole of the proprietary tax of eighteen 
' pence in the pound, amounts to 5667 4^. io*/. 
'And the fum of the tax on the inhabitants for the 

* fame year amounts, through the feveral counties, 
( to 27,1037. 12J. So 1 . And it is the opinion 

* of your committee that there has not been any 
' injuftice done to the proprietaries, or attempts 
' made to rate or afTefs any part of their eftates 
' higher than the eftates of the like kind belonging 

* to the inhabitants are rated and afTefled ; but 
' on the contrary, we find that their eftates are 
' rated, in many inftances, below others. 

' Thomas Leech, George Aft bridge, 

* Jf e pb Fox, Emanuel Carpenter, 

( Samuel R ho ads, John Blackburn, 

' Abraham Chapman, William Allen* 
The houfe communicated this report to gover 
nor Hamilton, when he afterwards prefled them 
to make the ftipulated ad: of amendment; ac 
quainting him at the fame time, that as in the 
execution of the act no injuftice had hitherto been 
"done to the proprietary, fo, by a yearly infpec- 
tion of the afleiTments, they would take care that 
noftQfoould be done him , for that if any mould 
appear, or the governor could at any time p'oint 
out to them any that had been done, they would 
immediately rectify it ; and therefore, as the act 
was (hortly to expire, they did not think the 
amendments neceffary. Thus that matter ended 
during that adminiftration. 

And had his fuccefTor, Governor Penn, per 
mitted it flill to ileep ; we are of opinion it had 

440 PREF ACE to Mr. Galloway 'j Speech. 

been more to the honour of the family, and of his 
own difcretion. But he was pleafed to found upon 
it a claim manifeftly unjuft, and which he was 
totally deftitute of reafon to fupport. A claim, 
that the proprietaries beft and moft valuable lo 
cated uncultivated lands, mould be taxed no high 
er than the worft and leaft valuable of thofe be 
longing to *:ae inhabitants : To enforce which, 
as he thought the words of one of the ftipulations 
feemed to give fome countenance to it, he infifted 
on ufing thofe very words as facred ; from which 
he could " neither in decency or in duty," de 
viate ; though he had agreed to deviate from words 
[in] the fame report, and therefore equally facred 
in every other inftance. A conduct which will 
(as the prefacer fays in Governor Denny's cafe) for 
ever difgrace the annals of bis adminiftration *. 
Never did any adminiftration open with a more 
fromifing profpect [than this of Governor Penri\. 
He allured the people, in his firft fpeeches, of the 
proprietaries paternal regard for them, and their 
fincere difpoiitions to do every thing that might 
promote their happinefs. As the proprietaries 
had been pleafed to appoint a fon of the family to 
the government, it was thought not unlikely that 
there might be fomething in thefe profeffions -, for 
that they would probably choofe to have his ad-* 
miniftration made eafy and agreeable ; and to that 
end might think it prudent to withdraw thofe 
harm, difagreeable, and unjuft Inftructions with 

* For a fuller account of this difpute the reader is referred to the 
news papers, and votes of Aflembly. 



[P. P.l Proprietaries Conduc! about a Law. 44 i 

L - * - - JL 

which moftof his predeceflbrs had been hampered: 
The affembly therefore believed fully, arid re 
joiced fincerely. They (hewed the new governor 
every mark of refpect and regard that was in their 
power. They readily and cheerfully went into every 
thing he recommended to them. And when he 
and his authority were infulted and endangered by 
a lawlefs murdering mob ; they and their friends 
took arms at his call, and formed themfelves round 
him for his defence, and the fupport of his go 
vernment. But when it was found that thofe mif- 
chievous inftructions {till fubfifted, and were even 
farther extended ; when the governor began, un 
provoked, to fend the houfe affronting meflages, 
feizing every imaginary occaiion of reflecting on 
their conduct; when every other fymptom ap 
peared of fixt deep-rooted family malice, which 
could but a little while bear the unnatural cover 
ing that had been thrown over it ; What wonder 
is it if all the old wounds broke out and bled afrefhj 
if all the old grievances, {till unredrefTed, were re 
collected; if defpair fucceeded of [feeing] any peace 
with a family, that could make fuch returns to all 
their overtures of kindnefs ! And when in the very 
proprietary council, .compofed of {launch friends 
of the family, and chofen for their attachment 
to it; it was obferved; that the old men (i Kings, 
chap, xii.) withdrew themfelves, finding their 
opinion flighted, and that all meafures were taken 
by the advice of two or three young men (one of 
whom too denies his {hare in them;) is it any won 
der, {ince like caufes produce like effects, if the 

L 1 1 affembly ', 

442 PREFACED? Mr. Galloway V Speech. 

affembly, notwithflanding all their veneration for 
the firft proprietor, (hould fay, with the children 
of Ifrael under the fame circumftances, " What 
" portion have we in DAVID, or inheritance in 
" the fon of JESSE ? To your tents, O Ifrael !" 

Under thefe circumftances, and a conviction 
that while fo many natural fources of difference 
fubfifted between proprietaries and people, no 
harmony in government could long fubfift, (with 
out which neither the commands of the crown 
could be executed, nor the public good pro 
moted) the houfe refumed the confideration of a 
meafure that had often been propofed in former 
affemblies ; a meafure, that every proprietary pro- 
uince in America had, from the fame caufes, found 
themfelves obliged to take, and had actually taken, 
or were about to take ; and a meafure, that had 
happily fucceeded, wherever it was taken ; I 
mean the recourfe to an immediate ROYAL 

They therefore, after a thorough debate 5 and 
making no lefs than twenty-five unanimous refolves, 
expreffing the many grievances this province had 
long laboured under, through the proprietary 
government -, came to the following refolution, 
viz. " Refolved, nemine contradicente, That this 
" houfe will adjourn, in order to confult their 
*' conftituents, whether an humble addrefs mould 
*' be drawn up and tranfmitted to his Majefty ; 
" praying that he would be gracioufly pleafed to 
** take the people of this province under his im- 

*' mediate 

[P.P.] Contcft for a Royal Government. 443 

" mediate protection and government j by com- 
" pleting the agreement heretofore made with 
" the fir it proprietary for the fale of the govern- 
*' ment to the crown,- or otherwife as to his wif- 
'< demand goodnefs (hall feem meet*." 

This they ordered to be made public ; and it 
\vas publifhed accordingly in all the news-papers: 
The houfe then adjourned for no lefs ihanjeven 
weeks, to give their conflituents time to con-, 
fider the matter, and themfelves an opportunity 
of taking their opinion and advice. Could any 
thing be more deliberate, more fair and open, or 
more refpedtful to the people that choie them ? 
During this recefs, the people in many places 
held little meetings with each other -, the refult of 
which was, that they would manifeft their fenti- 
ments to their reprefentatives, by petitioning the 
crown directly of themfelves, and requefting the 
afTembly to tranfmit and fupport thofe petitions. 
At the next meeting many of thefe petitions were 
delivered to the houfe with that requeft; they 
were figned by a very great -j~ number of the moft 


* Thefe words, " by completing the agreement," fr. are 
omitted by the honeft prefacer, in his account of the refolve, that 
they might not interfere with his infinuation of the meafure's being 
impracticable, *' Have the proprietors, by any adl of theirs, for- 
* feited the leaft tittle of what was granted them by his Majefty'* 
" royal anceftors ? Or can they be deprived of their charter rights 
" without their confent ?" &c. Senfible that thefe queftions are im 
pertinent, if thofe rights are already fold. 

t The prefacer, with great art, endeavours to reprefent this 
number as insignificant. He fays the petitioners were but 3500, 
and that the province contains near three hundred thoufand SOULS ! 
His reader is to imagine that TWO HUNDRED AND NINETY 

L 1 1 2 SIX 

444 PREFACE to Mr. Galloway V Speech. 

fubftantial inhabitants -, and not the leafc intima 
tion was received by the aflembly from any other 
of their conftituents, that the method was dijap- 
proved-, except in a petition from an oblcure town- 
hip in Lancafter county, to which there were 
about forty names indeed, but all evidently 
iigned by three hands only. What could the 
aflembly infer from the exprefled willingnefs of a 
part, and filence of the reft ; but that the mea- 
fure was univerfally agreeable ? They accordingly 
refumed the confideration of it ; And though a 
fmall, very fmall oppoiition then appeared to it 
in the houfe; yet as. even that was founded not 
on the impropriety of the thing, but on the fup- 
pofed unfuitablenefs of the time or the manner,, 
and a majority of nine tenths being flill for it; 

SIX THOUSAND FIVE HUNDRED of them were applied to, and 
refufed to fign it. The truth is, that his number of fouls is vaftly 
exaggerated. The dwelling-houfes in the province in 1752 did not 
exceed 20,000. Political arithmeticians reckon generally but five 
fouls to a houfe, one houfe with another : and therefore, allowing 
for houfes fmce built, there are not probably more than an hundred 
and ten thousand fouls in the province : That of thefe, fcarce twenty 
two thoufand could with any propriety be petitioners. And confi- 
dering the fcattered fettlement of the province ; the general inat 
tention of mankind, efpecially in new countries, to public affairs ; 
and the indefatigable pains taken by the proprietaries' new allies the 
Prefbyterian clergy of Philadelphia, (who wrote circular letters to 
every congregation in the county, to deter them from petitioning, 
by dutiful intimations, that if we were reduced to a royal govern 
ment, it would be the "ruin of the province,") it is a wonder the 
number (near a fixth part) was fo great as it was. -But if there had 
been no fuch petitions, it would not have been material to the point. 
The affembly went upon another foundation. They had adjourned 
to confult their conftituents ; they returned fatisfied that the mea 
gre was agreeable to them, and nothing appeared to the contrary. 

f petition 

[P.P.] Contefl fora Royal Government. 445: 

a petition was drawn agreeable to the former re- 
folve, and ordered to be transmitted to hisMajefly. 

But the prefacer tells us, that thefe petitioners 
for a change, were a " number of rafh, ignorant,. 
" and inconfiderate people;" and generally of a 
low rank. To be fure they were not of the pro 
prietary officers, dependants, or expectants ; and 
thofe are chiefly the people of high rank among, 
us ; but they" were otherwife generally men of the 
beft eftates in the province, and men of reputation. 
The affembly, who come from all parts of the 
country, and therefore may be fuppofed to know 
them, at leafl as well as the prefacer; have given 
that tcftimonyof them. But what is the teftimony 
of the* affembly ; who in his opinion are equally 
rafh, ignorant, and inconfiderate with the petiti 
oners ? And if his judgment is right, how im 
prudently and contrary to their charter, have his 
their elections of affembly- men thefe twenty years 
pad ; for the charter requires them to cho'ofe men 
of moft note for virtue, wifdom, and ability ! 

But thefe are qualities, engroffed it feems by 
the Proprietary party. For they fay, ' the WISER 

* and BETTER part of the province had far dif- 

* ferent noti'ons of this meafure : They confijdered 

* that the moment they put their hands to thefe 

* petitions 'they 'might be furrendering up their 
' birthright.' 1 felicitate them on the honour ^hey 
have' thus beftowed upon thernfelves ; on theyfrz- 
cere compliments thus given and accepted ; and 
en their having with fuch noble freedom difcarded 


446 PREFACE to Mr. Galloway *s Speech. 

the Travelling pretence to modefty, couched in that 
thread- bare form of words, " Though we fay it, 
" that fliould not fay it." But is it not furprifing 
that, during the feven weeks recefs of the afTembly, 
exprefsly to confult their confUtuents on the expe 
diency of this meafure; and during the fourteen 
days the Houfe fat deliberating on it after they met 
again j thefe their wifdoms and betternefles mould 
never be fo kind as to communicate the leaft fcrap 
of their prudence, their knowledge, or their con- 
fideration, to their ram, ignorant, and inconfi- 
derate reprefentatives ? Wifdom in the mind is 
not like money in the purfe, diminimed by com 
munication to others : They might have lighted 
up our farthing candles for us, without leffening 
the blaze of their own flambeaux. But they fuf- 
fered our reprefentatives to go on in the dark till 
the fatal deed was done ; and the petition fent to 
the King, praying him to take the government of 
this province into his immediate care : Whereby, 
if it fucceeds, ' our glorious plan of public liberty 
* and charter of privileges is to, be bartered away,' 
and we are to be made Haves for ever 1 Cruel par- 
fimony ! to refufe the charity of a little under- 
ftanding ; when God had given you fo much, and 
the Aflembly begged it as an alms ! O that you 
had but for once remembered and obferved the 
counfel of that wife poet Pope, where he fays, 

" Be Niggards of Advice on no pretence ; 

* For the worfl Avarice is that of Senfe." 


[P.P.] Conteft for a Royal Government. 447 

In the conftitution of our government and in 
that of one more, there ftill remains a particular 
thing that none of the other American govern 
ments have -, to wit, the appointment of a Gover 
nor by the Proprietors, inftead of an appointment 
by the Crown. -This particular in government has 
been found inconvenient ; attended with conten 
tions and confufions wherever it exifted ; and has 
therefore been gradually taken away from colony 
after colony, and every where greatly to the fatif- 
faction and happinefs of the people, Our wife 
firft Proprietor and Founder was fully fenfible of 
this ; and being defirous of leaving his people 
happy, and preventing the mifchiefs thathefore- 
faw muft in time arife from that circumftance if 
it was continued ; he determined to take it away, 
if poffible, during his own lifetime. They ac 
cordingly entered into a contract for the fale of 
the proprietary right of government to the crown; 
and actually received a fum in part of the confide - 
ration. As he found himfelf likely to die before 
that contract (and with it, his plan for the happi 
nefs of his people) could be completed ; he care 
fully made it a part of his laft will and teftament; 
deviling the right of the government to two noble 
lords, in truft, that they mould releafe it to the 
crown. Unfortunately for us, this has never yet 
been done. And this is merely what the aflembly 
now defire to have done. Surely he that formed 
our conftitution, muft have underftood it. If he 
had imagined that all our privileges depended on 
the proprietary government; will anyone fuppofe 


PRE.FACE to Mr. Galloway V 

that he would himfelf have meditated the change ; 
-that he would have taken fuch effectual meafures 
.as he thought them,, to -bring it about fpeedily, 
whether he mould live ,or die ? Will, any of thofe 
who now extol him fo highly, charge him at the 
fame time with the bafenefs of .endeavouring thus 
to defraud his people of all the liberties and pri 
vileges-he had promifed them, and by the moft 
folemn charters and grants allured to them, when 
he engaged them to aiTifl him in the fettlement of 
his province ? Surely none can be fo incontinent ! 
And yet this proprietary right of governing or 
appointing a governor has all of a fudden changed 
its nature ; and the prefer vation of it become of 
fo much importance to the welfareof the province; 
that the aiTembly's only petitioning to have their 
venerable founder's will executed, and the con 
tract he entered into for the good of his people 
completed, is ftiled, an * attempt to violate the 

* conftitution for which our fathers planted a wil- 

* dernefs ; to barter away our glorious plan of 
< public liberty and charter privileges; a riiquing 
' of the whole conftitution 5 an offering up our 

* whole charter rights ; a wanton .{porting with 

* things facred,' &c. 

Pleafant furely it is to hear the proprietary par- 
tizans, of all men, bawling for the conftitution ; 
and affecting a terrible concern for our liberties 
and privileges. They, who have been thefe twen 
ty years .curfing our conilitution, declaring that 
it was no conftitution, or worfe than none ; and 
that things could never be well with us till it was 


[P. P.] Conteftfor a Royal 'Government. 449 

new modelled, and made exactly conformable to 
the Britifh conftitution : They .who have treated 
our diftinguiming privileges as fo many illegalities 
and ablurdities -, who have folemnly declared in 
print, that though fuch privileges might be pro 
per in the infancy of a colony to encourage its 
fettleinent, they became unfit for it in its grown 
ftate, and ought to be taken away : They who 
by numberlefs falfhoods, propagated with infi 
nite induftry in the mother country, attempted to 
procure an act of parliament for the actual de 
priving a very great part of the people of their 
privileges : They too who have already deprived 
the whole people of fome of their moft important 
rights, and are daily endeavouring to deprive them 
of the reft : Are thefe, become patriots and advo 
cates for our conftitution ? Wonderful change ! 
Aftonifliing converfion ! Will the wolves then 
protect the fheep, if they can but perfuade them 
to give up their dogs ? Yes -, the affembly would 
deftroy all their own rights, and thofe of the peo 
ple ; and the proprietary partizans are become the 
champions for liberty ! Let thofe who have faith 
now make ufe of it : For if it is rightly defined,., 
the evidence of things not feen j, certainly never 
was there, more occafion for fuch evidence, the 
cafe being totally deftitute of all other*- 

It has been long obferved, that men are with' 
that party, angels or demons, juft as they happen, 
to concur with or oppofe their meafures. And 
I mention it for the comfort of old firmer r> that 

M m m ire 

450 PREFACED "Mr. Galloway 

in politics, as well as in religion; repentance 
and amendment, though late, {hall obtain for- 
givenefs, and procure favour.- Witnefs the late 
fpeaker,. Mr. Norris; a fteady and conftaht op- 
pofer of all the proprietary encroachments ; and 
whom, for thirty years paft, they have been there 
fore continually abufing, allowing him no one 
virtue or good quality whatfoever : But now, as 
he mewed fome unwillingnefs to engage in this 
prefent application to the crown, he is become 
all at once the " faithful fervant ;"- but let me 
look at the text, to avoid miftakes and indeed I 
was miflaken I thought it had been " faithful 
** fervant of the public;" but I find it is only 
" of the hoiife." Well chofen* that expreffion, 
and prudently guarded* The former, from a pro 
prietary pen, would have been praife too much ; 
only for difapproving the time of the application. 
Could^0#, much refpecled [Mr. Norfis, j go but 
a little farther, and difapprove the application 
itfelf ; could you, but fay the proprietary govern 
ment is a good one, and ought to be continued ; 
then might all your political offences be done 
away, and your fcarlet fins become as fnowand 
wool ; then might you end your courfe with (pro 
prietary) honour. P - mould preach your fu 
neral fermon ; and S , the poifoner of other 
characters, embalm your memory* But thofe 
honours you will never receive ; for with return 
ing health and ftrength, you will be found in your 
old poft, firm for your country* 

[P.P.] Contejl for a Royal Government. 45 1 

There is encouragement too for young Jinners. 
Mr.Dickenfon, whofe fpeechour prefacerhas in 
troduced to the world, (though long hated by 
fome, and difregarded by the reft of the proprie 
tary faction,) is at once, for the fame reafon as 
in Mr. Norris's cafe ; become a fage in the law $ 
and an oracle in matters relating to our conftitu- 
tion. I mail not endeavour to pluck fo much as 
a leaf from thefe the young gentleman's laurels. 
I would only advife him carefully to preferve the 
panegyricks with which they have adorned him : 
In time they may ferve to confole him, by ba 
lancing the calumny they mall load him with, 
when he does not go through with them in all their 
meafures : He will not probably do the one, and 
they will then affuredly do the other. There are 
mouths that can blow hot as well as cold, and 
blaft on your brows the bays their hands have placed 
there. " Experto crede Roberto." Let but the 
moon of proprietary favour withdraw its mine for 
a moment ; and that " great number of the prin- 
" cipal Gentkmen of Philadelphia," who applied 
to you for the copy of your fpeech ; mail imme 
diately defpife and defert you. 

" Thofe principal Gentlemen !" What a pity it is 
that their names were not given us in the preface, 
together with their admirable letter ! We mould 
then have known where to run for advice on all 
occafions. We mould have known who to chobfe 
for our future repFefentatives: For undoubtedly 
thefe were they, that are elfewhere called "the 
* WISER and BETTER part of the province." 
M m m 2 None 

452 PREFACE to Mr. Galloway 'j Speech. 

None but Wifdoms could have known before 
hand that a fpeech which they never heard, and a 
copy of which they had never feen, but were then 
requeuing tb'fee ; was "a fpirited defence/' and 
* or our charter privileges ;' and that * the publi- 
' cation of it would be of great utility, and give 
' general fatisfaclion.' No inferior fagacity could 
diicover, that the appointment of a governor by 
the proprietor, was one of our " charter privi- 
" leges ;" and that thofe who oppofed the appli 
cation for a royal government, were therefore 
patriot members appearing on the fide of our pri 
vileges and our charter ! 

Utterly to confound the affembly, and mew the 
excellence of proprietary government j, the pre- 
facer has extracted from their own votes, the 
praifes they have from time to time beftowed on 
the Jirft proprietor, in their addrefles to his fons. 
And though addreffes are not generally the beft 
repofitories of hiftorical truth, we muft not in 
this inflance deny their authority. 

What then avails it to the honour of the pre- 
fent proprietors, that our founder and their fa 
ther, gave us privileges ; if they, the fons, will 
not permit the ufe of them, or forcibly rend them 
from us ? David may have been a man after 
God's own heart, and Solomon the wifeft of pro 
prietors and governors ; but if Rehoboam will be 

a tyrant and a , who can fecure him the 

affeaions of the people ! The virtue and merit 
of his anceftors may be very great; but his pre- 


{P.P.] Vf a petitionbg&t&a royal Government. 453 

fumption in depending upon thofe alone may be 
much greater. 

1 lamented, a few pages ago, that we were hot 
acquainted with the names of thofe " principal 
'*' Gentlemen the wifer and better part of the pro- 
" vince." I now rejoice that we are likely fome 
time or other to know them; for a copy of a 
PETITION TO THE KING is now before me } 
which from its fimilarity With their letter, muft 
be of their inditing, and will probably be recom 
mended to the people* by their leading up the 

On this petition I mall take the liberty of 
making a few REMARKS, as they will fave me 
the neceffity of following farther the preface ; the 
fentiments of this and that being nearly the fame. 

It begins with a formal quotation from the [af- 
fembly's] petition, which they own they have not 
feen, and of words that are not in it ; and after 
relating very imperfectly and unfairly the fad re 
lating to their application for a copy of it, which 
is of no importance ; proceeds to fet forth, ' That 
as we and all your American fubjects muil be 
governed by perfons authorized and approved 
by your Majefty, on the beft recommendation 
that can be obtained of them ; we cannot per 
ceive our condition in this refpedt to be different 
from our fellow-fubjects around us, or that we 
are thereby lefs under your Majefty's particular 
care and protection than they are ; fince there 
can be no governors of this province without 



* your Majefty's immediate approbation and autho- 

* rity.' Such a declaration from the wifer part 
of the province is really a little furprifing. What !' 
\vhen difputes concerning matters of property arc 
daily ariling between you and your proprietaries,, 
cannot your wifdoms perceive the leaft difference 
between having the judges of thofe difputes. ap 
pointed by a royal governor, who has no intereft 
in the caufe -, and having them appointed by the 
proprietaries themfelves, the principal parties 
again ft you; and during their pleafure too ? when 
fupplies are neceffary to be railed for your defence, 
can you perceive no difference between having a 
royal governor, free to promote his Majefty's fer- 
vice by a ready affent to your laws ; and a pro 
prietary governor, fhackled by inftrudions, for 
bidding him to give that affent -, unlefs fome pri 
vate advantage is obtained, fome profit got, or 
unequal exemption gained for their eftate, or fome 
privilege wrefted from you ? When prerogative, 
that in other governments is only uied for the good 
of the people ; is here ftrained to the extreme, 
and ufed to their prejudice, and the proprietaries 
benefit ; can you perceive no difference ? When 
the direct and immediate rays of majefty benignly 
and mildly fhine on all around us, but are tranf- 
mitted and thrown upon us, through the burning- 
glafs of proprietary government; can yourfenli- 
bilities feel no difference ? Sheltered perhaps i 
proprietary offices, or benumbed with expecta 
tions, it may be you cannot. Butfurelyyou might 
feave known better than to tell his Majefty, ' that 

* there 

'{P.P.] Of a petitionzgzm&a royal Government. 455 

* there can be no governors of this province, with- 
c out his immediate approbation.' Don't you 
know, who know fo much) that by our blefled 
conftitution the proprietors themfelves, whenever 
they pleafe, may govern us in perfon j without 
fuch approbation ? 

The petition proceeds to tell his Majefty, * that 

* the particular mode of government which we 
' enjoy, under your Majefty> is held in the higheft 

* eftimation by good men of all denominations 

* among us ; and hath brought multitudes of 

* induftrious people from various parts of the 

* world,' &c. Really ! Can this be from pro 
prietary partizans ? That conftitution which they 
were for ever cenfuring, as defective in a legifla- 
live council, defective in government powers, too 
.popular in many of its modes ; is it now become fo 
excellent ? Perhaps, as they have been tinkering 
it thefe twenty years, till they have flopped it 
of fome of its moft valuable privileges, and almoft 
fpoiled it ; they now begin to like it. But then it 
is not furely thisprefent conftitution, that brought 
hither thofe multitudes. They came before. 
At leaft it was not that particular in our conftitu 
tion, (the proprietary power of appointing a go* 
vernor) which attracted them ; that fingle par 
ticular, which alone is now in queftion ; which 
our venerable founder firft, and now the aflembly, 
are endeavouring to change^ As to the remain 
ing valuable part of our conftitution, Che aflem- 
bly have been equally full and ftrong in expreffing 
their regard for it, and perhaps ftronger and fuller; 


456 PR E F A c E to Mr. Galloway'j- Speech. 

for their petition in that refpeft, is in the nature 
of a petition of right; it lays claim, though mo- 
deftly and humbly, to thofe privileges on the 
foundation of royal grants, on laws confirmed by 
the crown, and on juftice and equity; as the grants 
were the conlideration offered to induce them to 
fettle j and which they have in a manner purchafed 
and paid for, by executing that fettlement with 
out putting the crown to any expence. Who 
ever would know what our confHtution was, when 
It was fo much admired, let him perufe that ele 
gant farewel fpeech of Mr. Hamilton, father of 
our late governor j when, as fpeaker, he took his 
leave of the houfe, and of public bufinefs, in 1739; 
and then let him compare that conftitution with 
the prefent. The power of appointing public offi- 
cers by the reprefentatives of the people, which 
he fo much extols ; where is it now ? Even the 
bare naming to the governor in a bill, a trivial 
officer to receive a light-houfe duty, (which 
could be confidered as no more than a mere re 
commendation) is, in a late menage, ftiled, ' an 
* encroachment on the prerogative of the crown !." 
The fble power of raifing and difpojing of public 
money, which he fays was then lodged in the af- 
fembly -, that ineftimable privilege, what is be 
come of it ? Inch by inch they have been wrefled 
from us in times of public diitrefs; And the reft 
are going the fame way. I remember to have feen 
when-Governor Hamilton was engaged in a difpute 
with the aiTembly on fome of thofe points, a copy 
o that fpeech, which then was intended to be re> 

printed ^ 

[P.P.] Of a petitionzg&wfiia royal Government. 457 

printed; with a dedication to that honourable 
Gentleman ; and this motto from John Rogers's 
verfes in the Primer : 

We fend you here a little book, 

For you to look upon ; 
'That you may fee your father s face, 

Now he is dead and gone. 

Many a fuch little book has been fent by our 
affemblies to the prefent proprietaries: But 
they do not like to fee their father's face ; it puts 
their own out of countenance. 

The petition proceeds to fay, That fuch dif- 
agreements as have arifen in this province, we 
have beheld with forrow -, but as others around 
us are not exempted from the like misfortunes, 
we- can by no means conceive them incident to 
the nature of our government, which hath often 
been adminiftered with remarkable harmony : 
And your Majefty, before whom our late dif- 
putes have been laid, can be at no lofs, in your 
great wifdom to difcover whether they proceed 
from the above caufe, or mould be afcribed to 
* fome others/ The difagreements in queftion, 
are proprietary difagreements in government, 
relating to proprietary private interests. And are 
not the royal governments around us exempt 
from tbefe misfortunes ? Can you really, Gen 
tlemen, by no means conceive, that proprietary 
government difagreements are incident to the 
nature of proprietary governments ? Can they in 
nature be incident to any other governments ? If 
your wifdoms are fo hard to conceive, I am afraid 

N a a they 

458 PREFACE to Mr. Galloway'j- Speech. 

they will never bring forth. But then our go 
vernment "hath often been adminiftered with re- 
" markable harmony." Very true; as often as 
the afiembly have been able and willing to purchafe 
that harmony, and pay for it ; the mode of which 
has already been fhewn. And yet that word of" 
ten feems a little unluckily chofen : The flame 
that is often put out, muft be as often lit. If our 
government hath often been adminiftered with 
remarkable harmony, it hath as often been admi 
niftered with remarkable difcord : One often is as 
numerous as the other. And his Majefty, if he 
ihould take the trouble of looking over our dif- 
putes (to which the petitioners, to fave them- 
felves a little pains, modeftly arid decently refer 
him) where will he, for twenty years paft, find 
any but proprietary difputes concerning proprie 
tary interefts ; or difputes that have been con* 
necked with and arofe from them ? 

The petition proceeds to aflure his Majefty, 
c That this province (except from the Indian ra- 
* vages) enjoys the moft perfect internal tranquil- 
lityT Amazing! What! the moft perfect 
tranquillity ! when there have been three atrocious 
riots within a few months ! When in two of 
them, horrid murders were committed on twenty 
innocent perfons j and in the third, no leis than 
one hundred and forty like murders were medi 
tated, and declared to be intended, with as many 
more as mould be occafioned by any oppofition ! 
When we know that thefe rioters and murderers 
have none of them been punijGhed, have never been 


[P.P.] Of a pstition^i^a royal Government. 

profecuted, have not ever been apprehended ! 
when we are frequently told, that they intend ftill 
to execute their purpofes as foon as the protection 
of the king's forces is withdrawn ! Is our tran 
quillity more perfect now, than it was between the 
firft riot and the fecond, or between the fecond 
and the third ? And why ' except the Indian ra- 
' vages ;' if a little intermiffion is to be denomi 
nated ' the moft perfect tranquillity ?' For the 
Indians too have been quiet lately. Almoft as 
well might {hips in an engagement talk of the 
moft perfect tranquillity between two broadfides. 
But ' a fpirit of riot and violence is foreign to 
' the general temper of the inhabitants/ I hope 
and believe it is ; the aflembly have faid nothing 
to the contrary. And yet is there not too much 
of it ? Are there not pamphlets continually writ 
ten, and daily fold in our ftreets, to juflify and 
encourage it ? are not the mad armed mob in 
thofe writings inftigated to embrue tjieir hands 
in the blood of their fellow-citizens ; by firft ap 
plauding their murder of the Indians ; and then 
reprefenting the afTembly and their friends as worfe 
than Indians, as having privately ftirred up the 
Indians to murder the white people, and armed 
and rewarded them for that purpofe ? LIES, Gen 
tlemen, villanous as ever the malice of hell in 
vented^ and which, to do you judice, not one 
of you believes, though you would have the mob 
believe them. 

But your petition proceeds to fay, f That where 

* fuch diflurbances have happened, they have 

N an. z * beers 

460 PREFACE to Mr. Galloway '.r Speech. 

' been fpeedily quieted' By whom were they 
quieted ? the twofirft, if they can be faid to be 
quieted, were quieted only by the rioters them- 
felves going home quietly (that is, without any 
interruption ;) and remaining there till their next 
infurrection ; without any purfuit, or attempt to 
apprehend any of them. And the third, was it 
quieted, or was the mifchief they intended pre 
vented, or could it have been prevented - y without 
the aid of the king's troops, marched^ into the 
province for that purpofe ? " The civil powers 
" have been fupported," in fome fort. We all 
know how they were fupported ; but have they 
been fully fupported ? Has the government fuf- 
ficient ftrength, even with all its fupports, to 
venture on the apprehending and punimment of 
thofe notorious offenders ? If it has not, why 
are you angry at thofe who would flrengthen its 
hands by a more immediate royal authority ? if 
it has, why is not the thing done ? Why will 
the government, by its conduct, ftrengthen the 
fufpicions (groundlefs no doubt) that it has come 
to a private understanding with thofe murderers, 
and that impunity for their pad crimes is to be 
the reward of their future political fervices ? 
O ! but fays the petition, " There are perhaps 
(( cafes in all governments where it may not be 
" pJfible fpeedily to difcover offenders ." Proba 
bly; but is there any cafe in any government 
where it is not poffible to endeavour fuch a dif- 
covery ? There may be cafes where it is not fafe 
to do it: And perhaps the beft thing our go 

[P.P.] Of a petition againft a royal Government. 46 i 

vernment can fay for itfelf is, that that is our cafe. 
The only objection to fuch an apology muft be, 
that it would juflify that part of the afTembly's 
petition to the crown which relates to the ijoeaknefs 
of our prefent government *. 

Still, if there is any faulty it muft be in the 
aflembly ; For, fays the petition, * if the executive 

* part of our government mould feem in any 
' cafe too weak> we conceive it is the duty of the 
' afTembly, and in their power to ftrengthen it.' 
This weaknefs, however, you have juft denied. 
' Difturbances you fay have been fpeedily quieted, 

* and the civil power fupported/ And thereby 
you have deprived your infmuated charge againfl 
the affembly of its only fupport. But is it not a. 
fac~l known to you all, that the aflembly did en 
deavour to ftrengthen the hands of the govern 
ment ? That at his honour's inftance they pre 
pared and pafled in a few hours a bill for extend 
ing hither the act of parliament for difperfing 
rioters ? That they alfo paffed and prefented to 
him a militia bill -f- > which he refufed, unlefs 
powers were thereby given him over the lives and 
properties of the inhabitants, which the public 
good did not require ; and which their duty to 

* The aflembly being called upon by the governor for their ad 
vice on that occafion, did, in a meflage, advife his fending for and 
examining the magiftrates of Lancafter county and borough, where 
the murders were committed, in order to difcover the aftors ; but 
neither that, nor any of the other meafures recommended, were 
ever_ taken. Proclamations indeed were publiihed, but foon dif- 

f [Is not this the militia bill canvafled above p. 396 ? E.j 


462 PREFACE to Mr. GallowayV 

their conftituents would not permit them to truft 
in the hands of any proprietary governor ? You 
know the points, Gentlemen : They have been 
made public. Would you have had your repre- 
fentatives give up thofe points ? l&oyou intend to 
give them up, when at the next election you are 
made afTemblymen ? If fo, tell it us honeftly be 
forehand ; that we may know what we are to ex- 
pet when we are about to choofe you ? 

I come now to the laft claufe of your petition, 
where, with the fame wonderful fagacity with 
which you in another cafe difcovered the excel 
lency of a fpeech you never heard, you undertake 
to cbaracterife a petition [from the Affembly] you 
own you never Jaw -, and venture to allure his 
Majefty,, that it is ' exceeding grievous in its na- 

* ture -, that it by no means contains a proper re- 
' prefentation of the ftate of this province ; and 

* is repugnant to the general fenfe of his numerous 
' and loyal fubjedts in it.' Are then his Majefty's 

* numerous and loyal fubje&s' in this province 
all as great wizards as yourfelves $ and capable of 
knowing, without feeing it, that a petition is re 
pugnant to their general fenfe ? But the incon- 
fiftence of your petition, Gentlemen, is not fo 
much to be wondered at ; The prayer of it \sjlill 
more extraordinary, "We therefore moft hum- 
" bly pray, that your Majefty would be gracioufly 
** pleafed wholly to disregard the faid petition of the 
" affembly." What! without enquiry! with 
out examination ! without a hearing of what the 
affembly might fay in fupporjt of it i <c whoIJy 

** difregard." 

[P.P.] Of a petition againft a royalGovernmcnt. 463 

" difregard" the petition of your reprefentatives 
in aflembly; accompanied by other petitions 
figned by thoufands of your fellow-fubjedls, as 
loyal, if not as wife and as good as yourfelves ! 
Would you wifh to fee your great and amiable 
prince aft a part that could not become a Dey of 
Algiers ? Do you, who are Americans, pray for 
a precedent of fuch contempt in the treatment of 
an American affembly ! Such " total difregard" of 
their humble applications to the throne ? Surely 
your wifdoms here have overfhot yourfelves. 
But as wifdom mews itfelf not only in doing what 
is right, but in confeffing and amending what is 
wrong, I recommend the latter particularly to 
your prefent attention j being perfuaded of this 
confequence -, that though you have been mad 
enough to fign fuch a petition, you never will be 

fools enough to prefent it. 
r , 

There is one thing mentioned in the preface, 
which I find I omitted to take notice of as I came 
along, [viz.] the refufal of the houfe to enter Mr. 
Dickinfons protejl on their minutes : This is men 
tioned in fuch a manner there and in the news 
papers, as to inlinuate a charge of fome partiality 
and injuftice in the ajfiembly. But the reafons 
were merely thefe -, that though pfotefting may 
be a practice with the Lords of parliament, there 
is no inftance of it in tlie houfe of commons, 
whofe proceedings are the model followed by the 
aflemblies of America; That there is no precedent 
of it on our votes, from the beginning of our pre- 
3 fent 

464 PREFACE to Mr. Galloway'/ Speech. 

lent conftitution ; And that the introducing fuch 
a practice would be attended with inconveniences, 
as the reprefentatives in affembly are not, like the 
Lords in parliament, unaccountable to any con- 
JHtuents ; and would therefore find it necefTary 
for their own j unification, if the reafons of the 
minority for being againft a meafure were admit 
ted in the votes, to put there likewife the reafons 
that induced the majority to be for it : Whereby 
the votes, which were intended only as a regifter 
of propofitions and determinations, would be filled 
with the difputes of members with members ; and 
the public bulinefs be thereby greatly retarded, if 
ever brought to a period., 

As that Proteft was a mere abftract of Mr. 
DICKINSON'S fpeech, every particular of it will 
be found anfwered in the following fpeech of 
Mr. Gattoivay -> from which it is fit that I mould 
no longer detain the reader *. 

* [Mr. Galloway's fpeech is of courfe here omitted. In the Pen- 
fylvania edition of the Preface, an epitaph followed here, E.] 



O N 


B. All the Papets under this etivifion are dlftingulfied fy 
the letters [ M. P. ] plwd in tbf running title at tb( 
btad of <a(k Itaf*. 



< < 


J . 



[A Scheme for a new Alphabet and reformed mode cf 

. Spelling , with Remarks and Examples concerning 

the' fame, n- d an Enquiry into its LJfes, in a Cor- 

reftondence i-e ween Mifs S n and Dr. Franklin* 

written in the Cb<r afters, of the Alphabet*.] 

* [I think ii proper to mention that Mifs S , is the lady that 
appears fo confpiLitcufiy in the eclitkn of Dr. Franklin's philofo- 
phical papers: and that if I am rot mistaken, the name of a Sir 
Thomas m:th is referred to, in one of the cojies which I have feea 
of this paper. 

For the nature and intention of this alphabet. &c. I mull refer 
to what Dr. Franklin has himfelf faid upon the fubjeft, in anfwer 
to Milb S n's objections ; as the reader rn?y u.nderitand the whole 
in an hour or two. It is necefiary to add, that the new letters- 
tifed in the courfe of printing this paper, are exaftly copied from thr 
manujcript in my poffeflion ; there being no provifion for a diftinc- 
tion in the character as written or printed. I have no other way 
therefore of marking the fcored parts of the manufcript (anfwering 
to italics,"} than by placing fuch paffhges between inverted commas. 
As to capitals, I mould have provided for them by means of larger 
types but the form of fome of them would have made them too large 
for the page : however, were the author's general fyftem ever adopted, 
nothing .would be eafier than to remedy this particular. 

I. hope I fhall be forgiven for obferving, that even our frefent 

f rimed and \vritten characters are fundamentally the fame. The 
Roman | printed one is certainly the neateft, fimpleft, and moft le 
gible of the two ; but for the fake of eafe and rapidity in our writing,. 
itfeems we there iufert a number of joining or terminating ftrokes, 
fubftitute curves for angles, and give the letters a fmall inclination,, 
to which rules even the letters a, g, r and <vu t are eafily reconcile- 
able. - This will ceafe to appear a remark of mere curiofity, if 
applied to the decyphering of foreign correspondence. But for this 
purpofe I would ada, that' the Frtncb in particular, fee m to treat 
the fmall up-ftrok*? in the letters b, p, &c. as proceeding originally 
in an angle from the. bottom of the dow n-ftroke : they therefore begin it 
with a curve 'from the bottom, and keep it all the w-ay diftinft ; hence 
forming their written r much like our written <v. This laft letter i>, 
they again diftinguifh by a loop at the bottom ; which, loop they often 
place where we place an outward curve. The remarkable terminating 

s which they -fomejtimes ufe, feems intended for our printed s begun 
from the bottom, biit from' corrupt writing inverted and put horizon 
tally," infteadof vertically, it is rather from bad writing than fyftem, 
that their n and appear like u and ay.-^-I coitld go on to'fpeak of the 
formation of written and printed capitals, but as this would be a 

work of mere curiofity, I leave it for tne reader's amwfement. E.] 

O o o z. 


R ft MARK s [on the Alphabetical fable]. 




r n 

t d 




It is endeavoured to give the Alphabet 
a more natural Order; Beginning firft 
with the fimple Sounds formed by the 
Breath, with none or very little help of 
Tongue, Teeth, and Lips ; and produced 
.chiefly in the Windpipe. 

Then coming forward to thofe, 
formed by the Roof of the Tongue next 
: to the Windpipe. 

Then to thofe, formed more forward, 
by the forepart of the Tongue againft the 
I- Roof of the Mouth. 
f Then thofe, formed {till more for- 
J ward in the Mouth, by the Tip of the 
/ Tongue applied firft to the Roots of the 
upper Teeth. 

JThen to thofe, formed by the Tip 
of the Tongue applied to the Ends or 
L Edges of the upper Teeth. 
f Then to thofe, formed dill more for- 
-{ ward by the under Lip applied to the 
L upper Teeth. 

f Then to thofe, formed yet more for- 
"j ward by the upper and under Lip open- 
ling to let out the founding Breath. 
f And laftly, ending with the Shutting 
j up of the Mouth, or clofing the Lips 
* while any Vowel is founding. 

o in 

[M.P.] Remarks [on the Alphabetical Fable.] 469 

In this Alphabet c is omitted as unneceflary > k 
fupplying its hard Sound* and s the foft. The 
jod/ is alfo omitted, its Sound being fupplied by 
the new Letter fi jfi, which ferves other pur- 
pofes> affifting in the formation of other founds j 
thus the fi with a d before it, gives the found 
of the jod j and foft g, as in *' James, January, 
" g iant > gentle," " dfieems^ dfi anusri^ dfiyiant y 
' dfi&nteli" with a /before it^ it gives the Sound 
ofcl>, as in "'Cherry, Chip," " tfier^ tfiip ;" 
and with an z before it the French found of the 
jod/, as in "jamais," xfiame" 

Thus the g has no longer two different Sounds, 
which oecafioried Confufionj but is, as every 
Letter ought to be, confined to one ; The fame 
is to be obferved in all the Letters, Vowels, and 
Confonants, that wherever they are met with, or 
in whatever Company, their Sound is always the 
fame. It is alfo intended that there be no fuper- 
Jluous Letters ufed in fpelling ; i. e. no Letter that 
is not founded j And this Alphabet, by fix new 
Letters, provides that there be no diflindl Sounds 
in the Language without Letters to exprefs them. 
As to the difference bet ween Jhort and long Vowels > 
it is naturally expreffed by a fingle Vowel where 
fhort, a double one where long; as for <c mend " 
write [' mend," but for remain'd ' write 

" remeen'ds" 


"remeen'd;" for "did" write '"did," but for 
" deed" write " diid," "J &c. 

What in our common Alphabet is fuppofed the 
third Vowel, /, as we found it, is as a Diphthong ; 
confirming of two of our Vowels joined ; [viz.] // as 
founded in " into," and / in its true Sound : Any 
one will be fenfible of this, who founds thofe two 
Vowels jj I quick after each other -, the Sound 
begins y and ends . The true Sound of the / 
is that we now give to e in the words " deed, 
keep," *. 

J [Though a fingle vowel appears to be put in the Table for did 
and deed equally, yet in the Remarks [ABOVE] the latter is made to 
require two / s. Perhaps the fame doubling of the vowel is meant 
for name and lane ; for certainly name is not pronounced as nem, in 
the expreffion nem. con. correfponding to the found in men. Some 
critics may probably think that thefe two fets of founds are fo diftinft 
as to require different characters to exprefs them : fince in mem, pro 
nounced affectedly for ma'am (madam) and correfponding in found 
to men, the lips are keptclofe to the teeth, and perpendicular to each 
other; but in maim, correfponding in found to name, the lips are 
placed poutingly and flat towards each other: A remark that might 
be applied with little variation to did and deed compared. As this is 
a. fubjecT: I have never much examined, it becomes ir\e only to add, 
that fpelling.may be confidered as " an analyfis of the operations of 
" the organs of fpeech, where each feparate letter has to reprefent a 
" different movement ;" and that among thefe organs of fpeech, 
we are to enumerate the epiglottis ; and perhaps even the lungs 
themfelves, not merely as furnifhing air for found, but as modifying 
the found of that air both in inhaling and expelling it. E.] 

* [The copy from which this is printed, ends in the fame abrupt 
way with the above, followed by a confiderable blank fpace ; fo-that 
aiore perhaps was intended to be added by our author. E..] 






Sounded [rfcfpedively] as in [the Words in 

the Column below.] 


John, Folly ; Awl, Ball. 

Man, can. 

Men, lend, Name, Lane. 

Did, Sin, Deed, feen. 

Tool, Fool, Rule. 

um, un; as in umbrage, unto, &c. and as in er. 

hunter, happy, high. 

give, gather. 

keep, kick. 

(fh) Ship, wifli. 

(ng) ing, repeating, among. 





ell, tell. 


(ez) Wages. 

(th) think. 

(dh) thy. 


pV. 3. The fix new letters are marked with an afteriflt* to diftbguifo 

u < 

s * 

o S 

5 C5 

RMED ALPHABET.] TofMep . 47a . 

[Manner of pronouncing the Sounds.] 

The firft VOWEL naturally, and deepeft found 5 requires only to pne 
the mouth, and breathe through it. 

The next requiring the mouth opened a little, or hollower. 

The next, a little more. 

The next requires the Tongue to be a little more elevated. 

The next ftill more. 

The next requires the Lips to be gathered up, leaving a fmall opening. 

The next a very ihort Vowel, the Sound of which we mould exprefs in our 

prefent Letters thus, ub ; a fhort, and not very ftrong Afpiration. 
A ftronger or more forcible afpirarion. 

The firft CONSONANT j being formed by the Root of the Tongue^ this is 
the prefent hard g* 

A kindred found $ a little more acute j to be ufed inftead of the hard c. 

A new letter, wanted in our language j our Jb> feparately taken, not 

being proper elements of the found. 
Anew letter, wanted for the fame reafonj Thefe are formed back in 

the mouth, 
Formed more forward in the mouth j the Tip of the Tongue to the Roof of 

the mouth. 
The fame ; the tip of the tongue a little loofe or feparate from the roof 

of the mouth, and vibrating. 
The tip of the tongue more forward ; touching, and then leaving, the 


The fame ; touching a little fuller. 

The fame ; touching juft about the gums of the upper teet&. 

This found is formed, by the breath paffing between the moift end of flie 

tongue and the upper teeth- 
The fame ; a little denfer and duller. 

The tongue undfcr, and a little behind, the appcr teeth; touching them, 

butfo as to let the breath pafs between. 
The fame j a little fuller. 

Formed by the lower lip againft the upper teeth. 
The fame ; fuller and duller. 

The lips full together^ and opened at the air pants out. 
The fame j but a thinner found. 

The clofmg of the lips, while the e [here annexed] i$ founding, 
diftingvi ifli them ; and fhcw how few jifcw founds are prcpofed, E, ] 

** Vt w"ta 

(y j ^ * . 

M-. X J:3 
O <U *j CO T3 HJ 

^ ta _H3 C 2 
^ rt , TO ra 

<8 2 *T3 - fJ 

^- <U ,4) ,O > * 

<t t-> << IM 






r V 

















[M. P.J EXAMPLES. 471 

Examples [of writing in this Character.] 

So fjuenfym Endfiel) byi divyin. 
Uth ryizirj. tempefls fieeks e gilti Land ; 
(Sytfi az av ket or ^eel Britania paft^) 
Kalm and firiin hi clryivs *tyi feuriys blaji 
And) pliizd 'If almyitis ardyrs tu 
p H rfarm, 

Ryids in ty Huyrhiind and dyirekts 



So fypiur limpid Jlrilm^ buenfauluifyfteens 
av ryfiiy. Barents and difendify Reens, 
Uyrks iff elf kliir ; and az it ryns r if if ins ; 
Til byi digriiS) *ty e fl ot ^ m*ri{r fiyinS) 
Rtflekts iitfl. flaur ^ at an its harder gross, 
And e nu bevn in its feer 


Kenjty.tyn> September 26, 1768. 

yi hav tranjkrifib V iur alfabet^ 
luitfi yi T?ink my it bi av fyrvis tu T?oz y hu 
uifi ta akuifir an aiiuret pronifnfie/iyn y if 
I? at kuld bi Jixidy lift yi Ji went inkan- 
viinienfa) az uel az difikyltisj *tyat uuld 
atend T?i briyig. iur letyrs and arfyagrafi 
intu kamyn ius. aal our etimalodfiix 
uuld be loft, kanjikuentli ui iuld nat 
afyrteen %i fniiniy. av meni uyrds ; %t 
dtftinkfiyn, tu y bituiin uyrds av difyrent 
minify and fimilar faund uuld bi iujles y 
ifnles .ui liviy ryiters pyblifi nu iidifiifns* 
In fi 'art yi biliiv ui mifji let fiipil fpel an 
in *fyeer old ue y and (az ui fyindit Hfiiefl) 
du tyifeem aurfelves* -With eafe and with 
fincerity I can, in the old way, fubfcribe 
myfelf, Dear Sir, 

Your faithful and afFe&ionate Servant, 

. M. S. 


P.] An Inquiry into iff Ufa, &c, 473 

[Anfwer to Mifs S****] 


%i aldfl.ekfl.tin iu meek to rektifyiiy 
elf abet) " fyat it ull hi at ended uty inkanvi** 
<c nienjiz and dijiki^ltiz^ iz e natural uyn\ 
far & alua* akyrz huen eni refarmefli^n 
iz proposed ) huetyifr in riliJfiifn^ gtfvern^ 
went) lax, and iven daun az lo az rods 
and huil karidfiiz.^-tyi tru kuejlfinn i?en y 
is nat huefyifr Tgaer uil bi no difikyltiz ar 
inkanvinienfizi byt huetyer %i difikqltiz 
me nat hi fyrmaunted ; and huetyyr ty 
lanvmienfixuilnat) an ty huol, bi grettfr 
*tyan *fyi inkanvinienjiz. In tys kes, %i difi<* 
tqltiz er vnli in ty biginiy. av T?i praktis : 
huen *tye er uqns ovi^rkifm^ %i advantedfiex 

Ppp T 


er laftiy.. To yityyr iu ar mi^ hufpeluelin 
%i prezent mod^ ifi imadfiin Tpi difikqlti av 
pfiendfiitj. %at mod far *tyi nu^ iz natfo gret> 
lyt *tyat ui mii'tt pqrfektli git ovyr it in a 
uiiks ryitiy.. Ax to Jjoz hu du natfpel ue! 9 
ifty tu difikyltiz er ki/mperd^ [w#.] l^at av 
titfiiy. *tyem tru fpdiy. in T?i prezent mod t 
and l?at av titfiiy. Tpem 7?i nu alfabet and Tpi 
wu fpeli-y. akardiy. to it ; ifi am kanfident 
tyat ty latyr uuld bi byi far *tyi liift. *tye 
natyrali fal into "tyi nu me%d alredi, az 
mytfi az ty imperfekfiyn av T?er alfabet 
uil admit av ; Tper prezent bad fpeliy. iz 
onli bad) bikaz kantreri to Tpi prezent bad 
ruh : ifndifr Tpi nu rub it uuld bi gud. 
^/ difikylti av tyrniy to fpel uel in 
*fyi old, ue iz fo gret^ Tpat fiu at en it -^ 
fyauzands and ^a u ^ an ^ s rifitiy. an to old 
edfi) uityaut ever biify ebil to alutifir 
tt. 'Tiz> bifyidz^ e difikylti kantinuali 
mkriijiy. . ; az Tpi fa und \ graduali veriz 
mar and mor jram %i f petty : and to> 


[M. Pj An Inquiry into its Ufes, &c. 475 

farenifrs $ it tneks *tyi fyrniy. to pronauiis 
aur languedfis azriten in aur buks* ahrwfi 

cy " 


Naua% to" tyi inkanvinienjiz" iu men- 
fiyn.- tyfyrft iz ; Tpai " aal aur etima- 
" lodfiix uuld bi laft, kanfikuentli ui kuld 
cc nat afar teen T?i iniinig. av meni uqrdsj' 
etimalodfiiz er at present veri ynfyrten; 
bit fytfi az *tye er, >/' old buks uuld ftil 
prizifrv l^em^ and etimalodfiifts uuld fyer 
fyind T?em. Uyrds in l?i kors av tyim^ 
tfiendfi T?er miiniy.s r a% tiel az Tper fpelty. 
and pronynfiefufn ; and ui du nat luk to 
etimalodfii far *tyer present mimics. If 
qi fiuld kql e man e Neev and e 

I [Dr. Franklin .ufed to lay fome little ftrefs on this circumftance, 
when he occafionally fpoke on the fubjeft. ' A dictionary formed 
' on this model would have been ferviceable to him, he faid, even 
' as an American ;' becaufe from the want of public examples of 
pronunciation in his own country, it was often difficult to learn the 
proper found of certain words, which occurred very frequently in 
our Englilh writings, and which of courfe every American very well 
underftood as to their meaning. 

I think I have feen a French grammar, which endeavoured to re- 
prefent the French pronunciation, by a refolution of it into Englifh 
letters; but for want of proper characters, it feemed an embarrafled 
bufinefs. Is not the bad fpelling obferved in French manufcripts, 
owing in fome degree to the great variance between their orthography 
and pronunciation ? E. ] 

P p p 2 hi 


hi uuld hardli bi fatisfyid uify mifi telly. 
him y %at uqn av %i uyrds oridfiinali 
d onli e lad ar fyrvant ; and %i 
ndyr plauman y ar Tgi inhabitant 
av e viledfi. It iz from prezent iufedfi 
onli) %i mnniy. av uyrds iz to bi dityr* 

lur fetynd inkanviniens iz y *tyat u ^/ dif- 
fc tinkfii/n bituiin uqrds av different miinit}. 
<c and fimilarfaund uuld bi diftraqid"- 
diftinkfinn iz alredi diftraifid in pro- 
T?em \ and ui rityi an tyifens alon 
avTpifentens to afyrteen y huitfi av T^i fever at 
uyrds, jimilar in faund^ ui intend. If tys 
iz fi/jifient in %i rapiditi av dijkors y it uil 
bi mutfi mor fo in riten fentenfes ; huitfi 
me bi red lezfiurli ; and at ended to mor 
partikularli in kes av difkyhi, T?an ui Ian 
at end to e pa ft fentens y huyil e fpikyr iz 
lyryiiy. ifs alaij. uity nu uyns. 

lur ffflrd inkanviniens iz, l?at " aaltyi 

* c buks alredi riten uuld bi iujles" 7? is in- 


[M. P.] An Inquiry Into Its Ufes, &c. 477 

kanviniens uuld onli tym an graduali^ in 
e kors av edfies. lu and y/, and 
nau liviy. ridyrs, uuld hardli farget 
ius av *tyem. Piipil uuld long tyrn to riid 
old rqitiy, %o %e praktift T?i nu. And 
inkanviniens iz nat greter^ %an huat 
bes aktuali hapend in a fimtlar kes, in Iteli* 
Farmer It its inhabitants aal fpok and rot 
Latin : az ty languedfi tfiendfid> Tpi fpeliy. 
falod it. .It iz tru 7?at at present y e miir 
ynlarrid Italian kanat rM l?i Latin buks ; 
erjlil red and iindyrftud byi menr. 
if l?i fpeliy. hud nevyr bin tfiendfied^ 
hi uuld nau hev faund it mytfi mor difi- 
fylt to riid and ryit hiz on languadfi % ; 
far riten uyrds uuld hev had no rilefiqn to 
faundsj ^e uuld onli hev flud far T?i%s ; 
fo fyat if hi uuld ekfpres in ryitiij. T?i yidia 
hi hez> huen hi jaunds Tpi uyrd Vefcovo, 
hi my ft iuz tyi leterz Epifcopus. Infiart+ 

\ [That is, fuppofing it u !1 to have kept up to its old form of 
Latin fpelling, and not to have changed to the prefent form of 
Italian fpelling, E.] 

huat ever 


huatever %i difikyltiz and inkanvinienjtx 
nau,_ er> T?e uil hi fnor iizili fyrmaunted 
naii) tyan hiraftyr i and Jym tyim ar 
yfyyr, it tnyft bi dyn ; ar aur .ryitig. uil 
bikym Iji fern uty T?i Tfiyiniiz J, az to 7?i 
difikijlti av lyrmij. and iuziy. it. And it 
uuld alredi hev bin /^/f, if ui had kari- 
4inud ty Sakfyn fpeliy. and ryitiy. y iuzed 
our forf alters. 

yi am^ myi diir frind, 

. ' ' 

iurs afekfiynetli) 

B. Franklin*. 

Sept. 28, 1768. 

J Chinefe. 

* [Perhaps it would have been better to have had the new letter* 
caft upright, in order to have fuited with Roman inllead cf Italic 
characters : But it did not occur till too late.- If any falfe fpelling 
has appeared in the above, it is as fair to attribute it to the editor as 
io the author. E.J 

{M. P.] [ 479 ] 


On the Vis INERTIA of Matter* 

In a Letter to Mr. Baxter. 

A CCORDING to my promife, I fend you 
** in writing my obfervations on your book * : 
You will be the better able to conlider them ; 
which I defire you to do at your leifure, and to 
fet me right where I am wrong. 

I ftumble at the threshold of the building, and 
therefore have not read farther. The author's Vis 
Inertice efjential to Matter, upon which the whole 
work is founded, I have not been able to compre 
hend. And I do not think he demonftrates at all 

* , [It was a book, intitled An Inquiry into the Nature of the Human 
Soul, tukertin its Immateriality is evinced, &c. One of the chief 
objects of this book was to prove that a refiftance to any change is 
eflential to matter, confequently inconfiftent with afii-ve powers in 
it; and that if matter wants active powers, an immaterial being is 
neceflary for all thofe effects, &c. afcribed to its own natural powers. 
After ftating the fevera.1 proofs queitioned by Dr. Franklin, of a 
V i s iaerti< t or "force of inertnefs" in matter, the author adds; 
' If the immateriality of the foul, the exiftence of God, and the 
' neceflity of a moft particular inceflant providence in the world, 
* are demonftrable from fuch. plain and eafy principles ; the atheift. 
* has a defperate caufe in hand.' (See the 3d edit. p. i 8.) In 
fact, Mr. Baxter's doctrine feerns to eflablifh, rather than difprove, 
an activity in matter 1 ; and confequently to defeat his own conclufion,. 
were not that conclufion to be found from other premifes. Prima 
facie it feems better for Mr. Baxter's fyftern, to fuppofe matter in 
capable tf force or effort, even in the cafe, as he calls it, of refilling 
change ; which cafe appears to me no other than the fimple one, of 
matter not altering its Hate without a caufe, and a caufe exactly pro 
portioned to the effect:. E-] 


480 On the Vis Inertias of Matter, 

clearly (at lead to me he does not) that there is 
really fucb a property in matter. 

He fays, No. 2. ' Let a given body or mafs of 
matter be called a, and let any given celerity be 
called c. That celerity doubled, tripled, &c. or 
halved, thirded, &c. will be 2 c, 3 c, &c. or 
f c, 7 C) &c. refpe&ively : Alfo the body dou 
bled, tripled, or halved, thirded, will be 2 a, 
3 a y or 7 a, 7 a, refpedtively.' Thus far is 
clear. But he adds, ' Now to move the body a 
f with the celerity c, requires a certain force to 
' be impreffed upon it ; and to move it with a ce- 
' lerity as 2 c t requires twice that force to be im- 
' preffed upon it, &c.' Here 1 fufpeft fome 
miftake creeps in by the author's not diftinguim- 
ing between a great force applied at once, *or a 
fmall one continually applied, to a mafs of matter, 
in order to move it J. I think it is generally allowed 
by the philofophers, and for aught we know, is 
certainly true, that there is no mafs of matter, how 
great foever, but may be moved by any force how 
fmall foever * (taking friction out of the queftion j) 
and this fmall force continued, will in time bring 
the mafs to move with any velocity whatfoever. 
Our author himfelf feems to allow this towards 
the end of the fame No. 2. when he is fubdi- 
viding his celerities and forces : for as in conti 
nuing the divifion to eternity by his method of 

t [It would not have been inconfiflent in Mr. Baxter, to admit an 
augmentation of force from fucceffive applications of it ; in which 
cafe a fmall force often repeated, is no longer a fmall force, but 
becomes a large fum of forces. E.] 

* [See the following note. E.] 

{M. P.] in a Letter to Mr. Baxter. 481 

i" c, f c, ^c, 7^> &c. you can never come to a 
fraction of velocity that is equal to o c , or no ce 
lerity at all ; fo dividing the force in the fame 
manner, you can never come to a fraction of force 
that will not produce an equal fraction of celerity. 
Where then is the mighty Vis Inertia?, and what 
is its ftrength -, when the greateft affignable mafs 
of matter will give way to, or be moved by the 
leajl affignable force ? Suppofe two globes equal 
to the fun and to one another, exactly equipoifed 
in Jove's balance ; fuppofe no friction in the cen 
ter of motion, in the beam or elfewhere : If a 
mufketo then were to light on one of them, would 
he not give motion to them both, caufing one to 
defcend and the other to rife? If it is objected that 
the force of gravity helps one globe to defcend, 
I anfwer, the fame force oppofes the other's rifing : 
Here is an equality that leaves the whole motion 
to be produced by the mufketo, without whom 
thofe globes would not be moved at all. What 
then does Vis Inertiae do in this cafe ? and what 
other effect could we expect if there were nofuch 
thing ? Surely if it were any thing more than a 
phantom, there might be enough of it in fuch vaft 
bodies to annihilate, by its oppolition to motion, 
fo trifling a force ? 

Our author would have reafoned more clearly, 
I think, if, as he has ufed the letter a for a cer 
tain quantity of matter, and c for a certain quan 
tity of celerity, he had employed one letter more, 
and puty* perhaps, for a certain quantity of force. 
This let s fuppofe to be done ; and then as it is 

a maxim 

482 On the Vis Inertias of Matter, 

a maxim that the force of bodies in motion is 
equal to the quantity of matter multiplied by the 
celerity, (orjcxa)', and as the force receiv 
ed by and fubfifting in matter, when it is put in 
motion, can never exceed the force given ; So if 

f moves a with c, there mufl needs be required if 
to move a with 2 c -, for a moving with 2 c would 
have a force equal to 2f, which it could not re 
ceive from if-, And this, not becaufe there is fuch 
a thing as Vis Inertias, for the cafe would be the 
fame if that had no exiftence -, but becaufe nothing 
can give more than it has. And now again, if a 
thing can give what it has, if i^can to i a give 
i c, which is the fame thing as giving it if; (i.e. 
if force applied to matter at reft, can put it ia 
motion, and give it equal force ;) where then is Vis 
Inertia? ? If it exifted at ail in matter, mould we 
not find the quantity of its refiftance fubtraded 
from the force given ? 

In No. 4. our author,goes on and fays, "the body 
** a requires a certain force to be imprelTed on it to 
<f be moved with a celerity as c, or fuch a force 
is neceflary; and therefore it makes a certain 
reliftance, &c. : a body as 2 a requires twice 
*? ; that force to be moved with the fame celerity, 

' <( or it makes twice that refiftance ; and fo on." 
This I think is not true; but that the body 2 a 
moved by the force if (though the eye may judge 
otherwife of it) does really move with the fame 
celerity as it did when impelled by the fame force; 
for 2 a is compounded of i a -f- 1 a : and if each of 
the i as or each ^art of the compound were made 



[M. P.] m a Letter to Mr. Baxter; 5 

to move with i c (as they might be by 2 f) then 
the whole would move with 2 c, and not with i r, 
as our author fuppoies. But if applied to 2^ 
makes each a move with -7 c ; and ib the whoje 
moves with i c> exactly the fame as i a was ma<je 
to do by i y be fore. What is equal celerity but a 
measuring the fame * /pace by moving bodies in the 
fame time ? Now if i a impelled by lymeafures 
100 yards in a minute; and in 2 a impelled by if, 
each a meafures 50 yards in a minute, which added 
make 100; are not the celerities as the forces 
equal ? and iince force and celerity in the fame 
quantity of matter are always in proportion to each 
other, why mould we, when the quantity of mat 
ter is doubled, allow the force to continue unim 
paired, and yet fuppofe one half of the celerity to 
be loft * ? I wonder the more at our author's 

* {Dr. Franklin's reafoningfeemsonly to prove, that where bodies 
of different maffes have equal force, they ' meafure equal fpace in_ 
' equal times.' For allowing that z a moves 100 yards, in a, minute 
(becaufe it moves two feparate 50 yards in that time ) yet furely 
that fpace is not the fame with that of the 100 yards moved by I a f 
in the fame time, though it may be equal to it : For the body 2 a 
(that is a and a) in the firft cafe, defcribes a broad double fpace ; 
and the body i , in the fecond cafe, defcribes a long and Jingle 
fpace. There is a farther confideration which may mew the diffe 
rence of celerity and force : For when Dr. Franklin fays in his fe- 
cond paragraph, that ' there is no mafs of matter, how great foever, 

* but may be moved, with any velocity, by any continued force, how 

* fm all foever;' I afk whether the moving body muft not have its 
force rather in the fhape of much celerity, than of much matter, for 
this purpofe j fince without much celerity it would not move faft 
enough to apply its force to give the required velocity ; even though, 
its quantity of matter, and confequently of force, were infinite. 

* Equal celerity therefore in moving bodies, is their meafuring equal 

* fpace, along a continued line y in equal time.' Equal fpace meafured 
along a number of /mailer parallel lines, fuits cafes of equal motion 
indeed, but, according to this corrected definition, not of equal cele~ 
rity. E.j 

q 2 miftake 

484 n *S je Vis Inertiae of Matter, 

miftake in this point, fince in the fame number I 
find him observing : " We may eafily conceive 
'* that a body as 3 a, 4 a, &c. would make 3 or 
*' 4 bodies equal to once a, each of which would 
" require once the firft force to be moved with 
ttr the celerity c." If then in 3 a, each a requires 
once thefirfl forcey to be moved with the celerity 
c, would not each move with the force f and ce 
lerity c -, and confequently the whole be 3 a mov 
ing with if and 3 c % After fo diftincl: an obferva- 
tion, how could he mifs of the confequence, and 
imagine that j c and 3 c were the fame ? Thus as 
our author's abatement of celerity in the cafe of 
2 a moved by i f is imaginary, fo muft be his 
additional refiftance. And here again, I am at a 
lofs to difcover any effect of the Vis Inertiae. 

In No. 6. he tells us " that all this is likewife 
'* certain when taken the contrary way, viz. from 
" motion to reft j for the body a moving with & 
" certain velocity, as c, requires a certain degree 
*' offeree or refiftance to ffop that motion, &c. 
" &c." that is, in other words, equal force is 
neceffary to deflroy force. It may be fo. But how 
does that difcover a Vis Inertiae ? would not the 
effect be the fame if there were nofuch thing ? A 
force ly'ftrikes a body i a, and moves it with the 
celerity i c y i. e. with the force i.f: It- requires, 
even according to our author, only an oppofing 
if to flop it. But ought it not (if there were a 
Vis Inertias) to have not only the force if, but 
an additional force equal to the force of Vis Iner- 

M. P.] w a "Letter to Mr. Baxter. 4% 

tia;, that objlmate power by which a body endeavours; 
with all its mights continue in its prej'entjlate y 
whether of motion or rejt ? I fay, ought there not 
to be an oppofing force equal to the fum of thefe ? 
The truth however is, that there is no body,. 
how large foever, moving with any velocity, how 
great foever, but may be flopped by any oppofing 
force, how fmall foever, continually applied. At. 
leaft all.our modern philofophers agree to tell us fo.. 

Let me turn the thing in what light I pleafe, I 
cannot difcover the Vis Inertias, nor any effect of 
it. It is allowed by all, that a body i a moving; 
with a velocity i c 9 and a force if Jinking another 
body i a at reft, they will afterwards move on to 
gether, each with 7- c and 7^; which, as I faid' 
before, is equal in the whole to i c and \f. If 
Vis Inertias, as in this cafe, neither abates the 
force nor the velocity of bodies,, what does it, or 
how does it difcover itfelf ? 

I imagine I may venture to conclude my obfer- 
vations on this piece, almoft in the words of the 
author ; That if the doctrines of the immateriality 
of the foul and the exigence of God and of divine 
providence are demonstrable from no plainer, 
principles, the deijl [i. e. tbeijl} has a defperate 
caufe in hand. 1 oppofe my theift to his atheift,, 
becaufe I think they are diametrically oppofite;; 
attd not near of kin,, as Mr. Whitfield feems to., 
fuppofe; where (in his journal) he tell us, " M. B. 
*' was a.deift, I had almoft [aid an atheift that is,, 
chalk.) I had almoft faid charcoal. 


486 On the Vis Inertias of Matter, &c. 

The din of the market * increafes upon me ; 
and that, with frequent interruptions,, I find, 
made me fay fome things twice over j and, 1 fup- 
pofe, forget fome others I intended to fay, Jt has, 
however, one good effedr., as it obliges me to come 
to the relief of your patience with 

Your humble fervant, 


* [Hungerford-market, near Craven-ftreet, where Dr. Franklia 
ufually refided when in London. .] 




[M. P.] [ 487 J 


Experiments, Obfervations, and Faffs, tending to 

jupport the opinion of the utility of long pointed 

Tods,forfecurmg buildings from d*.mage byftrokes 

of lightning J, 

HE prime conductor of an electric machine, 
* A. B. -j~ being fupported about 107 inches 
above the table by a wax-fland, and under it erect 
ed a pointed wire 77 inches high and ^ of an inch 
thick, tapering to a (harp point, and communicat 
ing with the table; When the point (being upper- 
moft) is covered by the end of a ringer, the con 
ductor may be full charged, and the electrometer 
c*, will rile to the height indicating a full charge: 
But the moment the point is uncovered, the ball 
of the electrometer drops, mewing the prime con 
ductor to be inftantly diicharged and nearly emp 
tied of its electricity. Turn the wire its blunt end 
upwards, (which repreients an unpointed bar,) 
and no fuch effect follows, the electrometer re 
maining at its ufual height when the prime con 
ductor is charged. 


What quantity of lightning, a high pointed rod 
well communicating with the earth may be ex 
it Read at the committee appointed to conlider t'.\e erefting con- 
ductars to fecure the magazines at i^urfleet, Aug.. 27, 1772.. 

\ [->ee te plate. JE.J 

* Mr. Henley's. 


On tie Ufe -tf. pointed Conduttors in 

peeled to difcharge from the clouds filently in a 
ihort time, is yet unknown; but I have reafon 
from a particular fad: to think it may at fome times 
be very great. In Philadelphia I had fuch a rod 
fixed to the top of rny chimney, and extending 
about nine feet above it. From the foot of this 
rod, a wire (the thicknefs of a goofe quill) cam 
through a covered glafs .tube in the roof, and down 
through the well of the ftair-cafe; the lower end 
connected with the iron fpear of a pump. On 
the .ftair-cafe oppofite to my chamber-door, the 
wire was divided ; the ends feparated about fix 
inches, a little bell on each end ; [and] between 
the bells a little brafs ball fufpended by a filk' 
thread, to play between and ftrike the bells when 
clouds pailed with electricity in them. After hav 
ing frequently drawn fparks and charged bottles 
from the bell of the upper wire, I was one night 
waked by loud cracks on the flair-cafe. Starting 
oip and opening the door, I perceived that the 
brafs ball, inflead of vibrating as ufual between 
the bells, was repelled and kept at a diftance from 
t>oth -, while the fire pafTed fometimes in very 
large quick cracks from bell to bell ; and fome 
times in a continued denfe white ftream, feeming- 
ly as large as my finger, whereby the whole ftair- 
cafe was enlightened as with funfhine, fo that 
one might fee to pick up a pin *. And from the 

* Mr. De Romas faw flill greater quantities of lightning brought 
down by the wire of his kite. He had '* explofions from it, the noife 
'* of which greatly refembled thai of thunder, and were heard (from 
*' without) into the heart of the city, notwiihftanding the various 
84 noifes there. The fire feenat the inftantof th explofiou had the 


[M.P.] fecuringBuMngs from Lightning. 489 

apparent quantity thus difcharged, I cannot but 
conceive that a number* of fuch conductors mufl 
confidcrably lefTen that of any approaching cloud, 
before it comes fo near as to deliver its contents in 
-a general ftroke : An effect not to be expected 
from bars unpointed-, if the above experiment with 
the blunt end of the wire is deemed pertinent to 
the cafe. 


The pointed wire under the prime conductor 
continuing of the fame height, pinch it between 
the thumb and finger near the top, fo zsjujl to con 
ceal the point ; then turning the globe, the elec 
trometer will rife and mark the full charge. Slip 
the fingers down fo as to difcover about half an 
inch of the wire, then another half inch, and then 
another; at every one of thefe -motions difcovering 
more and more of the pointed wire -, you will fee 
the electrometer fall quick and proportionably, 
flopping when you flop. If you flip down the 
'whole diftance at once, the ball falls inftantly down 
to the ftem. 


From this experiment it feems that a greater 
effect in drawing off the lightning from the clouds 
may be expected from long pointed rods, than 

" fhape of a fpindle eight inches long and five lines in diameter. 
44 Yet from the time of the explofion to the end of the experiment, 
" no lightning was feen above, nor any thunder heard. At another 
" time the ftreams of fire iffuing from it were obferved to be an inch 
*' thick and ten feet long." See Dr. Prieftky's HiJtoryafEle8ricitj+ 
pages 354 6. Jirjt edition. 

* Twelve were propofedon and near the magazines at Purfleet, 

R r r from 

49 o O# ^ tj of pointed Condutton in 

fromjhorf ones ; I mean from fuch #s mow the 
greateil length above the building they are fixed on. 

Inftead of pitching the point between thc- 
thumb and finger, as in the laft experiment, keep 
the thumb and finger each at near an inch diftance 
from it, but at ihefame height, the point between 
them. In this fituation, though the point is fairly 
expofed to the prime conductor, it has little or no 
effect ; the electrometer rifes to the height of a 
full charge. But the moment the fingers are taken 
away, the ball falls quick to the ftem. 

To explain this, it is fuppofed, that one reafon 
of the fudden effect produced by a long naked 
pointed wire is, (by the repulfive power of 
the pofitive charge in the prime conductor) the 
natural quantity of electricity contained in the 
pointed wire is driven down into the earth, and 
the point of the wire made ftrongly negative > 
whence it attracts the electricity of the prime con 
ductor more ftrongly than bodies in their natural 
Hate would do; \.\\zfmall quantity of common mat 
ter in the point, not being able by its attractive 
force to retain its natural quantity of the eletfric 
fluid, againft the force of that repullion. But the 
finger and thumb being fubftantial and blunt bo 
dies, though as near the prime conductor, hold 
up better their own natural quantity againft the 
force of that repulfion ; and fo, continuing nearly 
in .the natural flate, they jointly operate on the 


[M.P.] fecuring Buildings from Lightning. 491 

electric fluid in the point, oppofing its defcent, 
and aiding the point to retain it ; contrary to the 
repelling power of the prime conductor, which 
would drive it down. And this may alfo ferve to 
explain the different powers of the point in the 
preceding experiment, on the flipping down the 
finger and thumb to different diftances*. 

Hence is collected, that a pointed rod erected 
between two tall cbimnies, and very little higher, 
(an inftance of which I have feen ) cannot have fo 
good an effect, as if it had been erected on one of 
the chimneys, its whole length above it. 


If, injlead of a long pointed wire, a large folid 
body, (to reprefent a building without a point) be 
brought under and 'as near the prime conductor, 
when charged j the ball of the electrometer will 
fall a little ; and on taking away the large body, 
will rife again. 


Its rifing again {hows that the prime conductor 
loft little or none of its electric charge, as it had 
done through the point : The falling of the ball 
while the large body was under the conductor, 
therefore mows that a quantity of its atmofphere 
was drawn from the end where the electrometer 

J [Perhaps their firft and principal tendency is, to repel and 
thereby leflen the influence of the fluid in the condugor. See the 
concluding note. E.] 

* [If I remember well, the French tranflation of this paper in 
M. Dubourg's edition, requires fome revifion as to thi? paragraph. 

R r r 2 is 

492 On tbeUfe ^pointed Conductors in 

is placed * to the part immediately over the large 
body, and there accumulated ready to ftrike into it 
with its whole undiminifhed force, as foon as with 
in the ftriking diftance -, and, were the prime con 
ductor moveable like a cloudy it would approach 
the body by attraction till within that diftance. 
The fwift motion of clouds, as driven by the winds, 
probably prevents this happening fo often asother- 
wife it might do ; for, though parts of the cloud 
may ftoop towards a building as they pafs, in con- 
fequence of fuch attraction, yet they are carried 
forward beyond the finking diflance before they 
could by their defcending come within it. 


Attach a final! light lock of cotton to the under- 
fide of the prime conductor, fo that it may hang 
down towards the pointed wire mentioned in the 
firft experiment. Cover the point with your finger, 
and the globe being turned, the cotton will extend 
itfelf, ftretching down towards the ringer as at a ; 
but on uncovering the pointy it inffcantly flies up to 
the prime conductor,, as at b, and continues there 
as long as the point is uncovered. The moment 
you cover it again, the cotton flies down again, 
extending itfelf towards the finger; and the fame 
happens in degree, if ( in ftead of the -finger) you 
uie, uncovered,, \hz.blunt end of the wire upper- 

* ft. e. drawn for a time, to a different /*rf of the coudufior, but 


[M. P.] fecuring "Buildings from Lightning. 493 


To explain this, it is fuppofed that the cotton, by 
its connexion with the prime conductor, receives 
from it a quantity of its electricity ; which occa- 
lions its being attracted by thejinger that remains 
ftill in nearly its natural ftate. But when a point 
is oppofed to the cotton, its electricity is thereby 
taken from it, fafter than it can at a diftance be 
fupplied with a frem quantity from the conductor. 
Therefore being reduced nearer to the natural ftate, 
it is attracted up to the electrified prime conductor ; 
rather than down, as before, to the ringer. 

Suppofing farther that the prime conductor re- 
prefents a cloud charged with the electric fluid; 
the cotton, a ragged fragment of cloud (of which 
the underfide of great thunder clouds are feen to 
have many;) the finger, a chimney or higheft 
part of a building. We then may conceive that 
when fuch a cloud paries over a out/ajag, fbme one 
of its ragged under- hanging fragments may be 
drawn down by the chimney or other high part 
of the edifice; creating thereby a mere eajj com 
munication between it and the great cloud. .But a 
long pointed rod being presented to this fragment, 
may occafion its receding, like the cotton, up to 
the great cloud ; and thereby incteafe, inftead of 
feffenrngthe diftnnce, fo as often to make it greater 
than the ftriking diftance. Turning the bhixt end 
of a wire uppermoft, (which rcprefents the un 
pointed bar) it appears that -'he -fame good effect 
is not from that to be expected. Along pointed 
rod it is tha-'eiore imagined, may prevent fome 

*494 O n the ^f e 0/* pointed Conduffors in 

ftrokes ; as well as conduct others that fall upon 
it, when a great body of cloud comes on fo heavily 
that the above repelling operation on fragments 
cannot take place. 


Oppofite the fide of the prime conductor place 
feparately, ifolated by wax (terns, Mr. Canton's 
two boxes with pith balls fufpended by fine linen 
threads. On each box, lay a wire fix inches long 
and 7 of an inch thick, tapering to a marp point; 
but fo laid, as that four inches of the pointed end 
of one wire, -and ?.n equal length of the blunt end 
of the other , may project beyond the ends of the 
boxes; and both at 18 inches diftance from the 
prime conductor. Then charging the prime con 
ductor by a turn or two of the globe, the balls of 
each pair will feparate ; thofe of the box whence 
the point projects moft, confiderably, the others 
lefs. Touch the prime conductor, and thofe of 
the box with the blunt point will collapfe, and join. 
Thofe connected with the point will at the fame 
time approach each other, till within about aninch, 
and there remain *. 


This teems a proof, that though the fmall mar- 

pened part of the wire muft have had a lefs natural 

quantity in it before the operation, than the thick 

blunt part ; yet a greater quantity was driven down 

from it to the balls. Thence it is again inferred 

* [For 1 though the condu&or is difcharged, the air about it is 
not. E.] 


[M. P.] Jecunng Buildings from Lightning. 495 

that the pointed rod is rendered more negative: and 
farther, th it if zjlroke mujl jail from the cloud 
over a building, furniihed with fuch a rod, it is 
more likely to be drawn to that pointed rod, than 
to a blunt one ; as being more ftrongly negative, 
and of courfeits attraction ftronger. And it feerns 
more eligible, that the lightning mould full on the 
point of the conductor (provided to convey it into 
the earth,) than on any other part of the building, 
thence to proceed to fuch conductor. Which end 
is alfo more likely to be obtained by the length and 
loftinefs of the rod; as protecting moreextenfive- 
ly the building under it. 

It has been OBJECTED, that erecting pointed 
rods upon edifices, is to invite and draw the lightning 
into them-y and therefore dangerous. Were fuch 
rods to be erected on buildings, 'without continuing 
the communication quite down into the moift earth, 
this objection might then have weight ; but when, 
fuchcompleat conductors are made, the lightning 
is invited not into the building, bur into the earthy 
the fituation it aims at j and which it always feizes, 
every help to obtain, even from broken partial, 
metalline conductors. 

It has alfo been fuggefted, that from fuch elec 
tric experiments nothing certain can be concluded as 
to the great operations of nature ; fince it is often 
feen that experiments, which have fucceedtd in< 
final], in large have failed. It is true that in me 
chanics this has fometimes happened.. But whern 
it is confidered that we awe our firft knowledge 


496 On tie "Ufi of pointed Conductors m 

of the nature and operations of lightning, to ob- 
fervations on fuch imail experiments; and that on 
carefully comparing the moil accurate accounts of 
former facts, and the; exacted relations of thofe 
that have occiTu;d nc<-, the effects have furpriz- 
in;ly agreed -.vita the theory ; it is humbly .con- 
cei.v:! L -t in natural pliilolbphy, in this branch 
of it at ]' id,, the iuggeftion has not fo much 
weight; and that theftirther new experiments now 
adduced in recommendation of long (harp-pointed 
rods, may have feme claim to credit and coniide- 

It has been urged too, that though points may 
have conliderable effects o"n ^fmall prime conductor 
v&fmalldijlances ; yet on great clouds and at great 
diftances, nothhrj is to be expected from them. 
To this it is anfvvered; that in thoCefma// experi 
ments it is evident the points act at a greater than 
the ftriking diftance ; and in the large way, their 
fervice is only expefted where there h fitch nearnefs 
of the cloud, as to endanger ajlroke-, and there, it 
cannot be doubted the points mult have fome ef 
fect. And if the quantity difcharged by a fmgle 
pointed rod may be fo confiderable as I have mown 
it j the quantity difcharged by a number, will be 
proportionably greater. 

But this part of the theory does not depend alone 
on /mall experiments. Since the practice of erect 
ing pointed rods in America, (now near 20 years*) 
five of them have been ftruck by lightning j viz. 

* [About the year 1752. E.I 


[M. P.] fecurlng Buildings from Lightning. 497 

Mr. Raven's and Mr. Maine's in South Carolina; 
Mr. Tucker's in Virginia; Mr. Weft's and Mr. 
Moulder's in Philadelphia. Poffibly there may 
have been more that have not come to my know 
ledge. But in every one of thefe, the lightning 
did not fall upon the body of the houfe, but pre- 
cifely on the feveral points of the rods j and, 
though the conductors were fometim$s not fuffi^ 
clently large and compkat, was con veje^j into the 
earth, without any material damage to tjie build 
ings. Facts then in great, as far as we have 
them authenticated, juftify the opinion .that is 
drawn from the experiments mfmaU&s above re 

It has alfo been objected, that unlefs we knew 
the quantity that might pojibly be difcharged at 
one ftrokefrom the clouds, we cannot be fure we 
have provided Jitfficient conductors ; and therefore 
cannot depend on their conveying away all that 
may fall on their points. Indeed we have nothing 
to form a judgment by in this cafe but paft facts > 
and we know of no inftance where a compkat con 
ductor to the moift Dearth has been inefficient, 
if half an inch diameter. It is probable that 
many ftrokes of lightning have been conveyed 
through the common leaden pipes affixed to houfes 
to carry down the water from the roof to the 
ground : and there is no account of fuch pipes 
being melted and deftroyed, as muft fometimes 
have happened if they had been infufficient. We 
can then only judge of the dimeniions proper for 

S s s a con- 

49 S On the Ufe 0/* pointed Conductors in 

a conductor of lightning, as we do of thofe pro 
per for a conductor of rain, by pafl obfervation. 
And as we think a pipe of three inches bore fuf- 
ficient to carry off the rain that falls on a fquare 
of 20 feet, becaufe we never faw fuch a pipe glut 
ted by any fhower -, fo we may judge a conductor 
of an inch diameter, more than furBcient for any 
jftroke of lightning that will fall on its point. It 
Is true that if another deluge mould happen 
wherein the windows of heaven are to be opened, 
fuch pipes may be unequal to the falling quantity ; 
and if God for our fins mould think fit to rain fire 
upon us, as upon fome cities of old, it is not ex 
pected that our conductors of whatever fize, mould 
iecure our houfes againft a miracle. Probably as 
water drawn up into the air and there forming 
clouds, is difpofed to fall again in rain by its na 
tural gravity, as foon as a number of particles fuf- 
ficient to make a drop can get together ; fo when 
the clouds are (by whatever means) over or under 
charged [with the elettric fluid\ to a degree fuffi- 
cient to attract them towards the earth, the equi 
librium is reftored, before the difference becomes 
great beyond that degree. Mr. Lanes eleffirometer, 
for limiting precifely the quantity of a mock that 
is to be adminiftered in a medical view, may ferve 
to make this more eafily intelligible. The dif- 
charging knob does by a fcrew approach the con 
ductor to the diftance intended, but there remains 
fixed. Whatever power there may be in the glafs 
globe to collefl the fulminating fluid, and what 
ever capacity of receiving and accumulating it 


[M.P.] fecuring Buildings from Lightning. 499 

there may be in the bottle or glafs jar j yet neither 
the accumulation or the difcharge, ever exceeds 
the deftined quantity. Thus, were the clouds 
always at a certain fixed diftance from the earth, 
all difcharges would be made when the quantity 
accumulated was equal to the diftance : But there 
is a circumftance which by occafionally leflening 
the diftance, leiTens the difcharge; to wit, the 
moveablenefs of the clouds, and their bdtig drawn, 
nearer to the earth by attraction when electrified $ 
fo that difcharges are thereby rendered more fre 
quent and of courfe lefs violent. Hence whatever 
the quantity may be in nature, and whatever the 
power in the clouds of collecting it ; yet an accu 
mulation and force beyond what mankind has hi 
therto been acquainted with, is fcarce to be ex 

Aug. 27, 1772. B. F. 

* [It may be fit to mention here, that the immediate occafion of 
the difpute concerning the preference between pointed and blunt 
conductors of lightning, arofe as follows. A powder mill having 
blown up atBrefcia, in confequence of its being (truck with lightning, 
the Englim board of ordnance applied to their painter, Mr. Wilfon, 
then of fome note as an electrician, for a method to prevent the 
like accident to their magazines at Purfleet. Mr. Wilfon having 
advifed a blunt conductor, and it being underftood that Dr. 
Franklin's opinion, formed upon the fpot, was for a pointed one; 
the matter was referred in 1772, to the Royal Society, and by them 
as ufual, to a committee, who, after confultation, prefcribed a me 
thod conformable to Dr. Franklin's theory. But a harmlefs ftruke of 
lightning, having under particular circumftances, fallen upon one of 
the buildings and its apparatus in May 1777 ; the fubjeft came again 
into violent agitation, and was again referred to the fociety, and 
by the fociety again referred to a new committee, which c 

S s s 2 c i 

500 Of the Difpute- about pointed Conductors. 

confirmed the decifion of the firft committee. As th'e difpute in 
the public opinion is not yet clofed, for this and for other 
reafons, I have been very fumrnary in my account of it. It is 
fuperflnou-s to add perhaps, that in the cour'fe of this controverfy, 
(which after occupying attention from the firft pe^fojiagee at home, 
has found its way abroad) Mr. Hen ly and Mr. Nairne have very 
much fignalized themfelve?, as Dr. Franklin's defenders ; and that 
our author's opinions are now Mkejy to find another principal and 
farther advocate in Lord Vifcount Mahon. 

Without going much into the general queftion,' I beg permiffior, 
here, to throw out a hint, on the nature and effect of blunt and 
pointed terminations in conductors of the electric fluid. A point of 
conducting matter, it may be obfcrved, attracts the fluid by virtue 
cnly of that fingle point. But if a mafs of fuch matter is connected 
with tiie fluid, the fluid becomes attracted not only by the particle 
of matter diametrically before it, but by thofe particles likewife that 
lie to the rght .Mid left of it : Juit as when three or fsur perfons fit 
clofe together in a row at a table, with each a taper before him,, 
reading; they not only receive die illumination of their own par 
ticular taper, but that proceeding from t\\ejide rays of their neigh 
bours ; fo as all of them to fee better, than if each were placed 
with his taper in a feparate room. But farther. When conducting 
bodies connected with the earth, are faid to be in their natural 
flate reflecting electricity, it is not meant that they are then with 
out electricity ; but only that they have no more than their fhare in 
the general diftribution of it throughout nature : Every fuch body 
has its portion ; greater or fmaller according to what it is able rela 
tively to contain. The point, and the blunt mafs therefore juft 
mentioned, have different collections of fluid, even in what is called 
their natural ft^te*; becaufe the retaining power in blunt bodies is 
greater, in proportion to its number of particles, than in the point f. 
When therefore a preternaturally charged body is prefented to fuch 
a Hunt body, it finds in it a confiderable collection of fluid, by 
which its own charge is repelled, and that at fome diftance. But when 
a point is prefented, the fluid of the preternaturally charged body 
approaches very near it, and then by its fuperior force (more eafily 

* [This natural- flate is a fort of mean, between the preternatural and nega 
tive {fates j and its exiftence is well known from many experiments to electri 
cians. E. ] 

\ [It is true alfo that when the charge thickens, the repellency of t be fluid 
increases for the fame, and oiher reafons ; but then, to a certain pitch, the fu- 
jerior force of the ujcreafed attraction balances this. .] 


[M.P.] Reafons in favour of Points. 501 

than in the former cafe) drives away the natural charge, in order 
to get at the point ; which having done, it quickly makes ufe of it as 
a mere conductor. In this cafe it is feen why a preternatural charge 
eafily pufhes into a point, to which it is placed oppofite, (in order to 
come to an equilibrium with the earth.) But a preternatural 
charge alfo eafily pufhes out of a point, with which it is connected, 
in order to go into the neighbouring bodies ; for a preternatural 
ejectric charge is (if one may be allowed the expreffion) -fo felf- 
repellent, as to be ever ready to burft and difperfe; and as it is of 
no" confequence that feme parts of the body in which it refides, 
are faithful to their truft, provided other parts are fo weak as to ad 
mit its efcape, the neighbouring bodies conteft the pofTeffion at the 
weaker fpot ; and by that meano draw offfo much of the charge as 
is preter natural, foon leavmg the fluid reduced to its natural ftandard. 
In the cafes therefore both of ingrefs and egrefs, the point is with, 
great facility ftripped of its natural charge, and beconv.'s converted, 
for a moment from a retainer of the fluid into a mere conductor of it.. 
As to the cafe of condutiors ag ainft lightning, one may be very well 
content to have found out a means of contriving a pafTage for the 
ftroke, wheie it can do no harm, which paffage it {hall prefer to the 
building, to which it might do harm. And a metal rod it feems, 
anfwers this purpofe ; being cheap with refpect to expence, and a 
much better inviter of the fluid than the building. But for the 
fame realon that we ufe a metalline rod, as being a better conductor 
of the fluid, than the building itfelf, it fhould feem that we ought 
to preter a metalline rod that is pointed ; becaui'e the point (virtually) 
greatly increajcsthe inviting powers of the met 1. It is not indeed 
to be fuppoied that we fho,ul4 conftruct $ie po;nted conductors of a 
wanton height ; fo as to make them interfere with lightning that: 
would not itfelf interfere with the building *. But, if it fhould 
appear, that the rods prefa ibccl for common ufe are more than fuf- 
ficient to conduct the largeil ftroke ever known to take place ; and' 
if it fhould alfo appear that^Wi?/- elevated points have a remarkable 
tendency not only to conducl a ftroke. when upon its paffage, pre 
ferably to a blunt termination ; but to fteal it away from the charged 
clouds filently and piece-meal, before it can come In the form of 
a ftroke, thereby preventing that ftroke; (and all thefe circum. 
fiances do very evidently appear;) then it will be found that much 
more danger is left by low conductors, than can poffibiy be incurred 
by any particularly elevated pointed ones ; and coniequently that 

* [Unlefs for inftance it was placed on fome principal eminence or building 
in a town, where it fhould ferve by that means as a fort of general prote&ion. 
to the town. E.J 


502 Objections to this ^Theory anf* erect. 

it is much fafer to exceed in the one way, than to be deficient in th 
other, As to the points on the feveral buildings atPurfleet, the only 
fault in them, (if there was any fault) feems to have been their not 
being high and frequent enough. 

There is more perhaps to befaid on thefe fubjects, but thfefe pages 
are the property of Dr. Franklin. E.J 

P. S. There is a difficulty however t6 be anfwered here with re- 
fpedt to the attractive influence of blunt conductors. For it may be 
thought that if a blunt body ads fo- powerfully upon its natural 
charge, it ought for the fame reafon to be proportionally inviting to 
a FOREIGN charge. Let then the letters ABC, in the order in 
'which they ftand, refpectively reprefent the blunt body, the natural 
charge, and the foreign charge. The foreign charge is here allowed 
to be ftrongly attracted by the blunt body A ; but fmce the natural 
charge B intervenes between them, the repellency of that natural 
charge ads from a nearer poll than the attraction of A ; and *is its 
quantity and repellency is in the fir ft inftance proportioned (in fome 
ineafure) to the attraction of A, and it has the advantage of pofition; 
the invitation to a foreign charge is thus confiderably checked in the 
blunt body. As to the point, its merit lies, not in its attraction of 
the fluid, but in its giving little oppofition to its paflage, whether 
it be going in or comhig out of it. 

But farther : It may be thought that if a fuperior quantity of 
natural charge furrounds blunt bodies, compared with pointed ones ; 
Mr. Canton's pith -bails ought to difcover the difference. But I an- 
fvver that the fuperior charge in blunt bodies cannot affect the balls 
"by attratting them ; For attraction acts only between bodies that are 
difproportionately charged ; but as the balis and blunt body have 
.equally been communicating with the mafs of fluid in the earth, 
the affair of competition and proportion has been previoufly fettled 
between them, and they cannot now differ. -. Neither can the charge 
of the blunt body repel the balls; For fmce other bodies drawing 
proportionable (hares of fluid from the earth furround or in the 
prefent ftate.of things are connected with the balls; thofe other 
bodies muft lofe their charges, before the balls can be driven back 
upon them ; but thofe charges are held up in the bodies by the 
common rr.a'is of fluid in the earth, which is the fame force that 
holds up the fluid in the blunt body itfelf, (that would othervvife 
become dUperfed, down to acertain proportion.) However though 
Indies containing the natural charge, are thus feen not affected by 
its .different distributions, yet it may happen otherwife with ihejktid 
itfelf that conftitutes this charge: For fuppofe two blunt bodies, 
communicating with the earth, to be brought near each other ; the 
fluid in each body repelling that in the oppofite, and the attraction 


[M. P.] Objections to this theory anfwered. 503 

in each body diminifliing that in the opposite, fome of the fluid from 
each body muft recoil and retire into the earth ; the mafs of fluid 
in which earth therefore muft for the time be augmented and dif- 
turbed ; though in a degree fo infinitely fmalln as to be infenfible*. 
In like manner if feveral fointeJ conductors that before flood fepa- 
rate, are put by the fide of each other ; they will inftantly have 
more fluid colleded round'them,. than when in their feparate Itate ; 
(owing to the union of each other's fpare lateral influences, as men 
tioned above :) Which fhcws that conductors with Jingle points, or 
otherwise points placed fuffidently afunder f , are the fafeft for our 
buildings and the moft powerful for our eleiftrical machines. In 
which latter cafe (of the machines) the neceffity for retaining the 
fluid that is collected, affords a farther and ftronger reafon againft 
their multiplicity; fince if by any accident, points are placed in a 
fituation where they do not receive the fluid,, they will in general be 
fure to emit it. E.J 

* [The difference of juxta-pofition and feparation in bodies, as to the charges 
they will contain, is proved in Dr. Franklin's letters, p. 129, 130, and in 
Beccaria on -Artificial Eleftricity, art. 4575 the fame thing happening in an 
artificial charge, which is here affirmed concerning a natural one. E.J 

f- [Therefore pieces of metal with teeth like a faw t feem on feverai accounts 
not fo proper as long (lender points of metal. .], 


[ 54 ] 

Suppqfitwns and ConjeStures towards forming an 
Hypothefis, for the explanation of the Aurora 
Borealis *. 

i. A IR heated by any means, becomes rari- 
** fied, and fpecifically lighter than other 
air in the fame fltuation not heated. 

2. Air being made thus lighter rifes, and the 
neighbouring cooler heavier air takes its place. 

3. If in the middle of a room you heat the air 
by a ftove, or pot of burning coals near the floor, 
the heated air will rife to the ceiling, fpread over 
the cooler air till it comes to the cold walls ; 
there, being condenfed and made heavier, it de- 

fcends to fupply the place of that cool air which 
had moved towards the ftove or fire, in order to 
fupply the place of the heated air which had af- 
cended from the fpace around the ftove or fire. 

\. Thus there will be a continual circulation 
of air in the room , which may be rendered vifible 
by making a little fmoke, for that fmoke will rife 
and circulate with the air, 

[N. B. Whenever an afterifk or other mark is put in the text 
above, a note to correfpond with it will be found at the end of the 
piece ; numbered as the article in the text is numbered, and the fub- 
jedt of it there briefly recapitulated. The notes may be read at 
Jeifure. E.J 

5- A 

[M.P.] ConjeBures about theAuroraBorealis. 505 

5. A fimilar operation is performed by nature 
on the air of this globe. Our atmofphere is of 
a certain height, perhaps at a medium [ ] 
miles : Above that height it is fo rare as 1 to be 
almoft a vacuum. The air heated between the 
tropics js continually rifing ; its place is fup- 
plied by northerly and foutherly winds, which 
come from the cooler regions. 

6. The light heated air floating above the cooler 
and denfer, muft fpread northward and foutliward; 
and deiTcend near the two poles, to fupply the 
place o the cool air, which had moved towards 
the equator. 

7. Thus a circulation of air J is kept up in. 
our atmofphere, as in the room above mentioned. 

8. T'hat heavier and lighter air may move in 
currents of different and even opponte direction, 
appears fometimes by the clouds that happen to 
be in thofe currents, as plainly as by the fmoke 
in the experiment above mentioned. Alfo in 
opening a door between two chambers, one of 
whioh has been warmed, by holding a candle 
near the top, near the bottom, and near the 
middle, .y OU w ill find a ftrong current of warm 
air paffir-ig ou t of the warmed room above, and 
another of cool air entering below ; while in the 
middle there is little or no motion. 

9. The great quantity of vapour rifing between 
the tropics forms clouds, which contain much 

Some of them fall in rain, before they come 
to the polar regions. 10. If 

T t t 

506 Conjectures about the Aurora Borealis. 

10. If the rain be received in an "folated 
veffel, the veffel will be electrified -, for every drop 
brings down fome electricity with it. 

11. The fame is done by fnow or hail. 


12. The electricity fo defcending, in temperate 
* climates, is.received and imbibed by the earth. 

13. If the clouds are not fufficiently difcharged 
by this gradual operation, they fometimes dif- 
charge themielves fuddenly by ftriking into the 
earth, where the earth is fit to receive their elec 

14. The earth in temperate and warm.climates 
is generally fit to receive it, being a good conduc 

15. A certain quantity of heat will make fome 
bodies good conductors, that will not otherwife 

16. Thus wax rendered fluid, and glafs foften- 
ed by heat, will both of them conduct. 

17. And water, though naturally a good con 
ductor, will not conduct well, when frozen into 
ice by a common degree of cold j not at aih where 
the cold is extreme -(-. 



1 8. Snow falling upon frozen ground has been 

found to retain its electricity ; and to 

cate it J to an ifolated body, when after falling, 

it has been driven about by the wind. 

1.9, The 

[M.P.] Conjectures about the Aurora Borealis. 567 

19. The humidity contained in all the equa 
torial clouds that reach the polar regions, mull 
there be condenfed and fall in fnow. 

20. The great cake of ice that eternally covers 
thofe regions may be too hard frozen to permit 
the electricity, defcending with that fnow -f-, to 
enter the earth. 

21. It may therefore be accumulated upon that 

22. The atmofphere being heavier ig the polar 
regions, than in the equatorial, will there be 
lower ; as well from that caufe, as from the fmal- 
ler effect of the centrifugal force : confequently the 
diftance of the vacuum above the atmofphere will 
be lefs at the poles, than elfewhere; and probably 
much lefs than the diftance (upon the furface of 
the globe) extending from the pole to thofe lati 
tudes in which the earth is fo thawed as to receive 
and imbibe electricity ; (the froft continuing to 
lat. 80 , which is ten degrees, or 600 miles 
from the pole; while the height of the atmofphere 
there of fuch denfity as to obftruct the motion || 
of the electric fluid, can fcarce be efteemed above 
[ ] miles). 

23. The vacuum above is a good conductor*. 


24. May not then the great quantity of elec 
tricity, brought into the polar regions by the 
clouds, which are condenfed there, and fall in 
fnow; which electricity would enter the earth, 

T 1 1 2 but 

508 Conjectures about the Aurora Borealis. 

but cannot penetrate the ice; may it not, I fay* 
(as a bottle overcharged) break through that low 
atmofphere, and run along in the vacuum over 
the air towards the equator - y diverging as the de 
grees of longitude enlarge ; ftrongly vifible where 
denfeft, and becoming lefs vifible as it more di 
verges -, till it finds a paflage to the earth in more 
temperate climates, or is mingled with their up 
per air ? 

25. Iffuch an operation of nature were really 
performed, would it not give all the appearances 

26. And would not the auroras become more 
frequent after the approach of winter -j- ; not only 
becaufe more vifible in longer nights ; but alfo 
becaufe in fummer the long prefence of the fun 
may fof ten the furface of the great ice cake, and 
render it a conductor, by which the accumulation 
of electricity in the polar regions will be prevent 
ed ? 

' 27. The atmofphere of the polar regions % be 
ing made more denfe by the extreme cold, and 
all the moifture in that air being frozen; may not 
any great light arifing therein, and patting through 
it, render its denfity in fome degree vifible during 
the night time, to thofe who live in the rarer air 
of more fouthern latitudes j and would it not ia 
that cafe, although in itfelf a complete and full 
circle, extending perhaps ten degrees from the 
pole, appear to fpeftators fo placed (who could 
fee only a part of it) in the form of afegmmt -, its 


[M.P.] Conjectures about the Aurora Borealis. 509; 

chord retting on the horizon, and its arch elevated 
more or lefs above it as feen from latitudes more 
or lefs diftant ; darkijh in colour, but yztfufficiently 
tranjparent to permit fome flars to be feen thro' it. 

28. The rays of electric matter ifluing out of 
a body, diverge * by mutually repelling each 
other, unlefs there be fome conducting body near, 
to receive them: and if that conducting body be at 
a greater diftance, they wiMjirft diverge, and then, 
converge in order to enter it. May not this account 
for fome of the varieties of figure feen at times in 
the motions of the luminous matter of the auroras :: 
fmce it is poffible, that in paffing over the atmo- 
fphere, from the north in all directions or meri 
dians, towards the equator, the rays of that mat 
ter may find in many places, portions of cloudy 
region, or moift atmofphere under them, which 
(being in the natural or negative ftate) may be fit 
to receive them, and towards which they may 
therefore converge : and when one of thofe receiv 
ing bodies is more than faturated, they may again- 
diverge from it, towards other furrounding malTes 
of fuch humid atmofphere, and thus form the 
crowns-^, as they are called, and other figures; 
mentioned in the hiftories of this cneteor ? 

5 1 o Identity of the Aurora and Ele&ric Fluid. 


Notes to the preceding Paper. 

* [If I miftake not, this paper was read to the Royal Academy 
of Sciences at Paris, v at the meeting held immediately after E after 

Difccveries relative to the electricity of the atmofphere, feem the 
property of Dr, Franklin. Having explained the Jubftance of light 
ning, and the means of dif arming its fury, having furnifhed the 
principal facts and conjectures for determining its mode of collection 
and discharge, along with our clouds', it remained for him to inflruct 
us in the hiftory of the Aurora Borealis. He modellly calls it only 
a preparation towards an hypothecs ; but there are few electricians 
who will not fee difcovered in it fundamentals of its caufe ; 
and hereafter when contemplating this meteor, pay their tribute to 
Dr. Franklin. 

I find it neceflary to obferve however, that Dr. Franklin appears 
to have little difficulty in fuppoiing the electric fluid and the matter 
of the auroras, to be one and the fame ; and only inquires how the 
fluid comes to be found in ^Jituation fit for producing the appear 
ances the re exhibited. He does not therefore enumerate any of thofe 
articles in which they mutually correfpond ; fuch as the difFufed milky 
light, the filent flitting, and fometimes convulfed corrufcations of 
that light, the feveral varieties of colour, &c. that are alike feen 
in the auroras, and our lefs perfect artificial vacuums when electri 
fied ; together with other cjrcumftances of refemblance that are to 
be collected from the hypothecs itfelf. 

The cotwuljed corrufcations indeed in the auroras, moft refemble 
the repetitions of the ilroke obfervable in lightning; which how 
ever, being acknowledged electrical, comes to the fame thing. And 
the repetitions in both cafe:; may be fuppofed owing to the difcharge 
of one collection of the fluid along the conducting pafTage, being 
inftantly followed by the difcharge of another from a more diitant 
refervoir> fucceeding into the vacancy the firil has left, and then 
itfelf ruffling in turn to the conducting paffage : And, as many in 
number as the connected refervoirs are, fo frequent will be the 
repetition of the ftroke ; the firfl difcharges being neceffarily the 
moft violent f. But if thefe corrufcations fliould not all of them 

f- [Accounts are often given of ftrokes of lightning, which are faid to have di 
vided themfelves upon their parlage in different directions ? May not thefe appear 
ances niore frequently arife from the explofion and difiipation ot the firft difcovered 
conductors, by the firft difcharges j which makes it neceflary for foefolloiving dif 
charges to feek other courfes ? E.J 


/ me 

/At (Ae/i 

. r 




[M. P.] Of a Circulation of humid Air. 511 

arife from abfolute difcharges, (and it may be fuppofed from obfer- 
vation that they do not,) then perhaps the fluid may be confidered at 
thefe moments a? under the operation of certain accidents that may 
attend it in its infulation\. Indeed thofe flill and detached clouds 
of light, fo often feen in the auroras, out of reach of the north ; are 
hardly to be accounted for, even allowing the theory, without fup- 
poiing an infulation that is in fome degree permanent. E.] 

[ J 7. " Thus a circulation of [humid] air is kept up in our 
" atmofphere." There are fome facls to be related here, which 
may elucidate our author's conjectures. 1. The effefl of the fun 
on our atmofphere is held to be powerful enough, to give an almoft 
inflexible direction to the lower air (or trade winds) in the northern 
Atlantic, to the vaft diftance of 2000 miles from the equator ; 
(which is near \ of the diftance to the polar ice -cake, afterwards 
fpoken of.) 2. The courfe of thefe trade winds about the tropic 
of cancer, being to the northward of eaft, implies a great vacancy 
made in thofe lower latitudes where thefe winds are only at eaji ; 
and as the air in thofe parts is moft rarified and fwelled, fuch va 
cancy can only happen from the air's riiing ; particularly as the fea 
there keeps the heat at a tolerable equilibrium, and vapour may be 
fuppofed to increafe the volume of air. 3. Only about ^ of the 
equator appears to pafs over land ; the reft extending along water t 
much of which water is therefore in the way of the heated air's im 
bibing*. 4. A fmall thin ftream of air, pafling through colder 
air, would quickly lofe its heat; but where a *uajt mafs of warm air 
rifes, (fuch as a fegment of the atmofphere,) though the outer parts 
of it that occahonally touch colder foreign bodies may be fpeedily 
cooled, yet the circumftances of the fituation andexpofure only can 
be expedted to cool the inner parts. Thus, the vaft mafs of waters 
heated by the tropical fun in theAtlantic, and driven by the tropical 
winds in a heap towards the bay of Mexico, (where it becomes ftill 
more heated from being ftationary, and this amid furrounding hot 
lands ;) when it comes to run itfelfofF through thegulph of Florida, 
carries fo much heat along with it, that Dr. Franklin found it at 8 1 % 

-J- [Such as the being difturbed by the neighbourhood or removal of the fluid in 
the regions below (which may be fuppofed moving about therein clouds or other- 
wife j) or the being forced to undergo a frefh diftribution from the local increafe or 
diminution of its quantity ; or the being affected by undulations in the atmofphere, 
(amounting not only to mere change of pofition in the fluid, but to an alteration of 
the fizeof the n-fervoirs in which it is confined 5) with perhaps various other cir 
cumftances. E.J 

* [The proportion of land to water is indeed greater in the other parts of the 
tropics. E.] 

\ [In the tropics etftiuard of the Weft Indies, at the fame feafon, it has ben 
found only at 77 (of Fahrenheit.) E.J 


.512 Of a Circulation of humid Air. 

in Nov. 1776, when croffing it in his voyage from Philadelphia to 
France. For though the fides and bottom of this great water-current 
undoubtedly lofe heat, by mixing with colder waters ; yet the inner 
parts (not being able to cool each other) retain their heat much 
longer; and in fact, as Dr. Franklin has farther obferved, preferve 
a confiderable mare of it up to the banks of Newfoundland. - 5. 
"How fovtly jttuation operates here, appears from confidering that 
this water- current travels only at the rate of five or fix miles an 
hour in the gulph itfelf, and at about two miles an hour perhaps 
near Virginia; becoming not only flower a^ it goes on, but thinner 
(i. e. Shallower) and broader alfo in furface; and yet the diftance to 
Newfoundland is in all perhaps 1300 miles. The fame conclufion 
is to be drawn from the fea's remaining liquid, or at 28^ of heat*, 
very high up in the polar circles, and within 12 or 15 degrees of the 
.pole to the north : Anfi th fame appears from hot blaftin^ f winds 
being found at a great diftance from the places where they are 
formed; and the fame, from many of our cold winds. 6. The 
aftual warmth and moifture of the higher air in the tropics, is 
feen from clouds (or uncondenfed vapour) often exifting at much 
greater heights, than thofe at which mountains, from their fitu- 
ation, remain perpetually covered more or lefs with fnows ; and 
the fame appears alfo in the lower air in the northern regions, 
when ice-mountains there find means to condenfe local fogs and 

clouds out of the air around them. 7. The mafs of warm air 

coming from the equator may, from the lofs at its edges, fhrink 
much in general fize ; and yet, as it had filled the larger degrees 
of longitude at the equator, ftill occupy great proportional room 

in the fmaller degrees of longitude at the pole. 8. The 

furface of the earth in the polar circles being only about T ' T part of 
what the temperate and tropical zones contain, the mafs of cold air 
there will be -found fmaller upon comparifon than fufpecled ; and 
confirm feftion 6, particularly when it is confidered, that though 
thefe parts of the earth are placed for fuch long periods immoveably 
in the {hade, yet the air above them is very fluctuating, new fuc- 
ceflions of it pouring in on every fide from parts that are more en 
lightened. 9. It would be well to confider to tuhat bodies above, 

* [At this degree Mr. Nairne has found that/a water begins to depofit its fait, 
and congeal. E.] 

f- [As this hot air does not immediately quit the earth, I fhould conjecture that 
it is dry air, for -vapour would feem to snake it more buoyant, and carry it upwards 
from the furface. Accordingly thefe very winds are fuppofed to have become 
heated over dry fandy defarts ; and though in fome cafes they pafs over a narrow 
,<fea, yet they do not immediately perhaps acquire much humidity ; the air not 
always appearing to imbibe humidity from the fea itfelf in the firft instance, but 
chiefly from the vapour emitted by means of the fea's own proper heat, which heat 
is very inferior to that of the wrnds'In queflion. E.J 


Circulation ^ hum id Air. 513 

the rifing air can lofe its beat ; there being none that are mafty in fo 
rare a medium, and the lighter ones may poffibly be thought by this 

period of time proportion ably faturated with heat. 10. The 

particles of air as foon as they become cold, appear to defcend; not 
to rife again, till again properly heated : and thofe that were be 
fore cold, never rife while they continue fo : And the winds which 
blow up to the poles, if they continue to blow on, muft turn the 
poles and blow down into milder latitudes. 1 1. The atmofphere 
being much the denfeft near the earth, whatever warms the firft 
three or four miles in depth, reckoned from the furface, warms 
half of the whole mafs of air furrounding the globe. 12. But if 
notwithftandingthis, (and what Dr. Franklin has faid in p. 197-8. 
of his Letters,) there be thought no fuch circulation in the atmofphere 
as above defcribed ; then we may ftill fuppofe that moift heated air 
may rife or be moved forwards at certain feafons from the more 
temperate latitudes. The heat of Jamaica is rarely equal to that 
occafionally known at Peterlburgh : And Dr. Franklin's theory is 
more interefted in the event towards the pole, than in fixing the 
origin at the equator. 13. What is faid here of the northern he- 
mifphere, applies, mutatis mutandis, one may fuppofe to \hefoutkern ; 
for if the fun's heat penetrates lefs on that fide the line, the cold 
there extends fo much farther from the pole, &c. and vice versa *. 

[ 14. " The earth, in temperate and warm climates, is ge- 
** nerally fit to receive ele&ricity ftriking fuddemy from the clouds :" 
or if that mould be too dry at top, its waters, trees, buildings, Sec. 
which reach down to the moifter parts. E.] 

* [Dr. Forfter was for three different icarm feafons in or near the fouthern ptlar 
circle, and obferved in one of thefe feafons feven different auroras in latitudes 580 
and 60 ; their appearance being much the fame as with us, fhooting up from a 
dark fegment in the fouth. This number is but fmall ; but he fays that he had 
never read or heard of any perfon who had before feen them. Indeed the navi 
gators in ,thofe parts have been few ; and it is to be fuppofed chiefly during the fun 
nier feafdn. 

As to the aurora auflrales, or fouthern lights, as they are called, feen in our own 
latitudes ; They are hardly to be fuppofed to have reached hither from the foutbern 
hemisphere ; fince our own northern lights are only now and then obferved fo low 
down as in the Mediterranean countries. The fuppofition alfo is too hazarded, to 
fay that they are formed over infulating dry ground to the fouthward. If there it 
no mirtake therefore in the relation of them, they may be guefled to be owing to 
electric matter propagated along the vacuum, but originating as to its fource, in the 
north ; that origin however being either faint, or having taken place, during day 
light, or under the fcreen of clouds. (See Dr. Forfter's Obfervations in a voyage 

eund the world, p, jzo, and the Philof, Tranf. for 1764, p. 326-8.) E.J 

U u u [ f 17, 

514 -By what Stages the ILkftric Fluid rifes, 

[ f $ 17. Dr. Franklin very early obferved that a dry cake of 
ice, or an ificle, would not conduct a mock. But this was in 
America : Our ice here is feldom fo perfectly frozen in our experi 
ments. (See his Letters, 5th edit. p. 36.) E.] 

[ J 18. - " Snow upon frozen ground, driven about by the 
'< wind, retains its electricity." -- Profeffor Winthrop mentions a 
fingular fadt of this kind to Dr. Franklin, which happened at Cam 
bridge in New England, in latitude 42, where the air above be 
came electrified. See Dr. Franklin's Letters, 5 edit. p. 44.4. E.] 

[ f 20. " eleftricity defcending with that fnow." If one may 
prefume to queftion this wonderful man, I would afk, Why the re 
dundant electricity mould rife only from the fnow and hail that has 
actually defcended ; and not from the fame fnow and hail while 
forming in the air? Is not every thing fuppofed faturated, and 
therefore repellent, below ; and is not the diftance ihorter from that 
part of the air where the clouds are, to the vacuum, than from the 
Ice to the vacuum; and does not the fluid thus avoid much the den felt, 
and confequently moft refitting portion of all the air, namely, that 
which lies between the ice and the clouds? In fliort, why may we 
not leave room for every circumftance to operate, that can poffibly 
difentangle electricity from thefe bodies while in the regions of the 
air, infteadof confining ourfelves to what happens on the mere fur- 
face of the earth ? May not a cloud as neceffarily lighten up into 
the conducting 'vacuum in thofe latitudes, for inftance, as here (where 
at has both ways to choofe) it generally prefers to lighten down into 
the conducting earth * ? 

But perhaps it feemed to be doubted whether the cold is not at 
fpme feafons too great for the exiftence of clouds (or in other words 
of uncondenfed vapours) in thefe latitudes ; as it certainly feems to 
be for the formation of ueep fprings. But if there be a latitude in 
which on account of the cold, there are at no time clouds ; in that 
latitude there can be at no times fnow or hail, (or even ice, unlefs 
produced before the prefent arrangement of the earth ;) and confe- 
quen-tly no electricity can there be brought down, and no furcharge 
of it exiit. And in fuch cafe there woulu be a bound, beyond which, 
at that feafon the aurora would not originate. On the other hand,, 
ihould the ckiuds be permitted in any quantity to empty themfelves 

* [See the 4th quere in the note to article 28. The only objection feems to 
be, that in the former cafe .he diftance may be too creat for a flroke ; fo that one 
ftratum of fluid mud be heaped on the back of another, before it can get near enough. 
to the vacuum even hi a gradual difcbarge, E.} 

Height and denfity of the Atmofphere. i 5 

On a cold portion of earth, where the fun could not melt their con 
tents back again ; we might then expeft a proportional diminution 
of our waters, and as far as that caufe goes, a correfpondent addition 
to our land, as well as but in a cafe of fpeculation only, it is 
time to flop. E.} 

J [ 22. " The froft continues fufficiently intenfe fcr infulatidl 
*' 10 degrees from the pole."- I apprehend that Dr. Franklin here 
ftiaightens his own theory ; and that, at certain feafons at leaft, 
and upon land, it extends much farther, even in the northern 
hemifphere. For confirmation fee the note to 1$! ' E.] 

|| [ 22." Height of the atmofphere of the poles of fuch denfity 
*' as to obftruft the motion of the ele&ric fluid, &c." It is I be 
lieve generally agreed that within certain dirtances from the earth, 
whatever rarity the air has at a certain height, at twice that height 
it is twice as rare, at three times the height four times as rare : The 
height going in an arithmetical, and the rarity in a geometrical 
proportion, hand in hand. Thus if the air at the equator was found 
almoft twice as rare at three miles high as at the earth's furface 
jthere, we may poflibly fuppofe it entirely fo at the pole : Then at 
the pole, the air at fix miles high will be four times as rare as at 
the furface, at nine miles eight times, at 12 miles 16 times, at 
28 miles 600 times, and at 40 miles 10,000 times as rare. Our 
moft perfect air-pump, on the other hand, rarifies mere air only 600 
times (though air mixed <vjitb vapour, it rarifies 10 or 20,000 times,) 
And it is fufficiently known how eafily the electric fluid traverfes this 
and other vaftly lefs perfect vacuums of art : Whether more or lefs 
rapidly, provided it be done at all, is of little confequence to the 
theory : only it is to be conjectured, that the higher the fluid 
reaches, the eafier becomes its paflage, at leaft under certain limi 
tations. As to the /hooting of the fluid along the vacuum, as foon as 
arrived there ; it is a fubfequent and totally diftinft operation. 

But perhaps the above meafure is exaggerated for the pole. And, 
though it is not fafe to go minutely into the queftion, yet the at 
mofphere itfelf, feems ufually thought too far extended upwards ; 
as the very gravity of the particles of air for inftance towards the 
earth (which is a body fo large and mafTy,) may be fuppofed power 
ful enough to overbalance their repulfion to each other when they 
aft at fuch vaft diftances, and from fuch points of repulfive matter 
only, as fuch rarity implies. 

When the aurora is ftated by fome, to have rifen to the immenfe 
height of hundreds of miles, becaufe feen through an immenfe ex 
tent of country ; fuch conclufion ought to be made from particular 
marks which the phenomenon has afforded, for tracing and identi 
fying it through different regions ; For as to a mere confufed illu- 

U u u t minaticm 

5 1 6 Of Ekttric "Fluid moving in vacuo. 

urination of the heavens, " though feen in places jooo leagues 
" afunder, this might as well be owing to its being very extenfive, 
** "as very high ;" Which are nearly words ufed by Dr. Franklin 
to Mr. Bartram, upon the fubject of an aurora fuppofed to have 
been vifible both in Philadelphia and London. (See Cotes's Lec 
tures, Ulloa's Voyage, The accounts given by Meffieurs Smeaton 
and Nairne of their air-pumps, Fergufon's Aftronomy, article 175, 
Muflchenbrdek's Introd. ad Phil. Natur. art. 2502, and Philof. 
Tranf. for 1752, p. 474.) E.] 

[* 23. " Th^e vacuum above is a good conductor." By a va 
cuum here, we are 'not perhaps peremptorily to underftand the intire 
abfence of air ; but a fituation only where the air is thought fuffi- 
ciently rare to fuffer the fluid to pafs eafily, rapidly, and confpi- 
cuoufly along. 

Under this head, the following Ihort remarks may poffibly be of 
ufe. When a given fubftance conducts the fluid away from a 
charged body, the attraction afforded by the conductor is affilted by 
the repulfion of the fluid ; the fluid running through the conductor, 
from one particle to Another, till an equilibrium is obtained. When 
this operation takes place in Air y the chief difficulty confilts, not 
in making the fluid fenfible of the attraction of the conductor, but 
in getting the better of the oppofition given to its paflage by the 
air. But in Vacuums where the latter difficulty is. almoft wholly re 
moved, then an improper difpofition of the attracting fubftances 
focn begins to be felt ; fo that for inftance, it will be much eafier 
for the fluid to pafs a given diftan.ce if thrown into a dozen fmall 
intervals with conducts rs, between, than to pafs the fame fum of 
diftance thrown into one large interval with the conducting fub- 
fiances all at the hither end : Juft as it is eafier for a man (who has 
only a certain activity) to leap twelve ditches of ten feet each fuc- 
ceffively, than to leap one large ditch of 120 feet at once. It is 
difficult however to determine by common experiments to what 
diftfince thefe intervals in given cafes in vacuo, are to be limited* 
When Meffieurs Walfh and De Luc for inftance found that in aa 
arched double-barometer, in which the quickfilver had been care^ 
fully boiled, in order to purge it from air, no Ihockor fpark couli 
be tranfmitted ; it might have been obferved that attraction, afting. 
in ftraight lines, or at leaft in uniform directions, the curve of the 
barometer would prevent the operation there ; for how co.uld the. 
quickfilver in the leg B * move the fluid (fuppofed low down) on 
the furface of the quickfilver in the leg A ? It could not draw it 
trough the fides of the tubes ; nor could it act upon it round by 

Sse the Plate,, , 522, 


Of the Seafon of the Tear for the Aurora. 517 

way of the curve ; for then it muft attract in oppo/ite directions, firft 
ttp the leg A, and then down the leg B : Its powers of attraction 
therefore being thrown away, the fluid remains at reft with reipeft 
to them. But when a few conducing particles become in time in 
troduced * into the tube, the fluid is attracted round from particle 
to particle, till it turns the corner and falls in the way of the other 
leg's attraction. So alfo, when, in zftratght barometer (exhaufted 
with the fame care) an attempt to charge the top of it by a coating 
on the outfide, is {aid to fail from the too-perfect vacuum giving* 
no afliftance within ; may it not be fuppofed owing to the inequality 
of the contention between attracting particles that are fmall enough, 
to continue fufpended'vs\ fo rare a medium, when oppofed to the at 
traction of the mafiy glafs ? 

In the heavens however, where there is neither curved tube, nor 
perhaps much difproportion in the forces of the attracting bodies, ' 
the motion of the fluid may be expected to take place at greater 
intervals : And it may be thought perhaps that the mere repulfion of 
the fluid, without much help from the few attracting bodies that 
are to be found there, is fufficient for a difperfion to enfue ; efpeci- 
ally as the fluid may be faid originally perhaps rather to have been 
excelled, than to have been conduced thither. E.} 

[ f 26. " Would not the auroras become more frequent after* 
* the approach of winter ?" Muflchenbroek reckons up 750 ap 
pearances of the aurora, which he had obferved in 29 years ; and it 
feems, from his table, (taking it without any comments as it (lands), 
that they are moft frequent at the clofe of winter ; They are the next 
frequent at the elofe of fummer ; fewer in winter ; and feweft at the 
winter and fummer folftices ; -' of the whole number averaged* 
having appeared in the May months, and only -^ in the June and 

the December months each. But thefe meteors being made 

jointly to depend on a degree of infulation in the earth, &c. on the 
one hand, and of moifture in the air on the other; it does not 
feem enough perhaps to look only to the perfection of the ice, &c 
and its after-faturation, with other circumftances, in the north j 
but we muft alfo attend to the moiftiire to be raifed and imported 
from the fouth ; Which moiflure coming fometimes perhaps along 
the higher regions of the atmofphere from more diftant parts, and 
fometimes along the furfaceof the earth from more contiguous parts,. 
to the places where the infulation takes place, the feafons of ap 
pearance may hence be affected. The auroras I would obferve,, ap-. 
pear moft at the periods when the moifture or cold refpectively may 

* [In our common experiments, Mr. Nairne has proved that much vapour is 
kft or generated in what is called a vacuum j and indeed the fat is perhaps to be 
upoa theory, E.} 


5 1 8 Arc and parallel Rays of the Aurora. 

be thought each at their maximum ; but as they prevail moft when 
the effects of the cold may be conceived ufually moft complete, one 
fliould hence fuppofe the cold neceffary for their formation was 
harder to procure, than fimple moifture. E.] 

[| 27. " The atmofphere of the polar regions being denfe, 
" and its moifture frozen, will not any light therein appear to us as 
*' a fegment of a circle, darkifh in colour, &c." I once thought 
that Dr. Franklin intended a diftin&ion here between that fettled 
light, fo often feen from thefe latitudes in the northern part of our 
horizon ; as oppofed to thofe mo<veable figured lights, which come 
to be defcribed in the next paragraph under the head of rays : In 
this cafe the fettled light is only confidered as arifing from the illu 
mination of the atmofphere, by other rays, which are lefs elevated or 
farther northward, and themfelves not diftinftly feen; the atmofphere 
being ftated to be denfe, as more reflecting and better refrafting that 
light ; and clear, as better tranfmitting it, as well as the light of 
the ftars beyond. But if Dr. Franklin is here defcribing (which is 
moft probable) that dark part of the heavens feen at the foot of the 
falient points of the feveral rays to the north ; then perhaps the 
caufe is only owing to that part of the heavens below the rays, (that 
is, below the height where the fluid begins to be luminous) being 
rendered dark by the contra/} with this light. If a tangent is drawn 
to the globe in our latitudes, and that tangent produced towards the 
north, the elevation of it with refpeft to the polar air is very confi- 
derable ; not however greater than that, which Ibme philofophers 
have at times, attributed to the auroras. But if the auroras fhould 
be held to originate at any time, or at leaft firfl to become wi/thle, at 
any diftance from the pole ; the whole will ceafe to be a difficulty. E.] 

[* 28 and 24. " The rays of eleftric matter diverge, &c." 
Such rays undoubtedly may diverge from repellency, when they 
arrive in the enlarged degrees of longitude. They would alfb by 
the laws of optics, appear near together at their farther ends in the 
north, even though really parallel: Like the parallel rays of the 
fun ; which appear near together towards the fun, wide over the 
fpeftator's head, and converging again if they pafs the fpeftator and 

fet to the oppofite parts of the horizon ; (which laft cafe Dr. Smith in 
is Optics, mentions to have feen j as 1 have indeed done myfelf, 
more than once.) Perhaps however, the degree of feparation of the 
rays in the aurora, depends much on the pofition of the attracting 
conductors at their hither end: Though Ihaveobferved lights moot 
ing along a remarkably crooked track in the heavens, at diftant re 
peated times, owing apparently to the pofition of a particular fet of 
intermediate condu&ors. E.] 

ft 28. 

[M.P.] Convergence near our Zenith. Queries. 519 

[f 28. " and thus form the crowns, as they are called, and 
*' other figures mentioned in the hiftories of this meteor." As to 
thofe lights which feem to have a center near cur zenith, perhaps 
they are thus difpofed, in confequence of the roving fluid (extended 
northward and fouthward, eaftward and weftward, through the vart 
and general vacuum) being now brought to a focus by a conductor ; 
thence to fink into humid air below as into a quenching * pit of 
darknefs ; or (which is the cafe of Dr. Franklin's crown) to fally 
forth again to fome new conductor aloft. 

But I muft here beg to introduce fome queries, i . Why mould 

our hiftories fpeak or this center of general convergence, as being 

ufually to the fouthvcardof our zenith here ? Is it owing to local 

moiftnefs in the atmofphere there, from feas or wet land below ; or 

to that being ufually the latitude, where the fluid in its progrefs 

firft meets with humidity f frequent and elevated enough to attract 

it ? 2. Is it again from local incidents that the auroras are ufually 

obferved at Upfal in Sweden to appear to the weftward of north j 

and in Greenland andHudfon'sBay, to the cajt or fouthward of eait, 

but never to the northward or north-eaft J ? 3. Is the alleged fadt 

of the fufpenfion of tbefe appearances, for feveral ages, at different 

periods in our latitudes ; and the great frequency of them for thefe 

50 or 60 years paft ; to be at all held connected with the fuppofitions 

of fome of our belt philofophers, that there are accounts which be- 

fpeak warmer 'weather in former times to the NORTH, than is ufual 

how ; with a confequent diminution of the ice, &c. both as to its 

extent, and its perfection as a non-conductor, &c. ? Or are we to 

take oppofits fuppofitions ; and fay that the earth's growing warmer 

of late, in fome parts, has enabled humid air to penetrate higher up* 

to fpots fitted for the formation of the auroras ? 4 . The above place 

of obfervation in Greenland, being in latitude 65, and in Hudfon's 

Bay at 59, are we to fuppofe that the aurora originates in thofe 

or rather in ftill lower latitudes ; or does the fluid only travel thither 

from the north, remaining invifible till attended with particular 

circumilances ? 5. To determine this, ought not experiments to be 

made in ratified air, both dry and vapory, denfer and rarer, pure 

and impregnated, cold and hot : and ought we not to be able to lay 

* [This is a ftrong expreffion ; but when the fluid moves naked in any quantity 
and without a conductor, it is as far as we know, luminous; and when it enters a 
fufficient and attracting conductor, its light as far as we know is directly extin- 
ttijbed. E.] 

J- [This convergence to the fouth of the zenith is, by fome, folvedinto a mere 
eftical appearance. (See Rownings's Natural Philofophy, Vol. I. part a. p. 164-7,) 
In point of fact, the rays rarely come di-verging from the north. E,J 

J [See the Philof. Tranf. for 1762, p. 479 ; KLrantz's Account of Greenland, 
Vol. J. p. 48 ; and the Philof. Tranf. for 1770, p. 130-1. The light of the greater 
part of thefe auroras feen in Upfal and Greenland feem to commence from about the 
quarter of Iceland. E.J 

U u u 4 precifely, 

520 Queries. 

precifely, on what circumftances the colours of the auroras depend; 
imitating them in their diffufed form, at pleafare and feparately, 
in our apparatus * F 6. Should not the meteor be watched at dif 
ferent feafons of the year, at different times of the night, in diffe 
rent weathers f, and in different countries; particularly with refpecl 
to its ftrength duration and frequency, its colours, its quarter cf 
appearance, and the height both of its center and fegment mentioned 
above : and future obfervations be compared with former hiltories. 
7. Mr. Canton having in a beautiful theory afcribed the regular 
diurnal horizontal aberration of the needle to local heat I ; then 
obferves that the irregular diurnal variation may be alike owing to 
heat in the north ; which at the fame time that it affe&s the needle, 
appears to produce an aurora. As he adds that the aurora is faid 
by the northern people to be remarkably flrong when afudden thaw 
happens after fevere cold ; I would afk whether this may not arife 
from warm humid wind, then blowing towards the frozen parts, to 
accumulate electricity upon the furface? 8. Would it not be a con 
firmation of this, fhould "hard foutherly or fouthweft winds" be 
often obferved to follow in the Englifh channel after an aurora ? 
If the caufe of fuch gales begins firft in the north, the air to the 
fouthward cannot begin to move till the northern air has^r/? left 
a vacancy ; and as fuch a fucceffive propagation in another cafe was 
conceived by i)r. Franklin to be capable of being made at the rate of 
100 miles an hour; will it not be a farther coincidence, if the above 
gales appear in our channel within 24 or 30 hours after the com 
mencement of the aurora || , ? 9. At all events, are we not provided 

* r_I"fa paflage in a mr>re perfect vacuum is attempted, it might be well to make 
"the vacuum of a broad flat fhape, fo as to afford a fhcn tranfit and much fpace. E.} 

f [The nearer the place of obfervation is to the origin of the aurora and the 
tommencemeni cfiis light, the more important it feems to remark the weather, winds, 
&c. and the face of the earth inthofe parts, as being made up of fea or larxl, &c. E,j 

J [The virtues of bodies that are magnetical, being diminifhed during heat; 
Mr. Canton fuppofes that the eaftern parts of the eirth being firft heated by the 
morning fun, the inclination of the needle is therefore ftrongeft towards the iveft 
during the morning ; afier the turn of the day, it becomes ftationary j and in the 
evening it returns eaftward, the weftern parts now poffeffing more heat, and there 
fore lefs attraction. And this regular variation is, as might be expedted, greater in. 
fommer than in winter. The irregular variation he attributes to fubterraneous 
heat in the earth ; which earth heating the air, might produce the aurora, which 
he fays " is fuppofed to be the eieftricity of the heated air above;" and he adds, 
" This will appear chiefly in the northern regions, as the alteration in the heat of 
'* thofe parts will be greateft."- See the Philof. Tranf. for 1759, p. 4 C 3- E.J 

H [This muft be allowed a local circumftance ; but as Mr. Winn, who obferves 
it, fays, that the knowledge of it has en. bled him to make ufe of or avoid the gale, 
would it not be well to obfcrve farther (after confirming the remark) if there is not 
fometimes a correspondence between the quarter of the brighter auroras, and the 
quarter of the furcceding gale, if any fuch takes place; as alfo between the violence 
of the e,ale compared with the time of the interval before its commencement. See 

the Piulof. Tranf. for 1774, p, 128. E.I 

* * ' * . 


[M. P.] Farther Hints by Dr. Franklin. 521 

with one caufe of the auroras? And during our prefent imperfect 
knowledge, not only of the principles, but even of the events of the 
atmofphere ; are our conjectures to be expected exact in all their 
minutias ; and is not every thing to be received with candour, that 
is propofed with diffidence, particularly where nothing is aflumed, 
but to fuggeft materials ? 

It is however time to finifh thefe queries and comments ; which I 
do with the fincereft apology. It is feldom that I have been able 
to follow Dr. Franklin with any thing but admiration, but his own 
modeft invitation to gueffers has here tempted me into imprudence. 
And to fay the truth, as his conjectures were novel and incomplete, 
I wifhed to preventer moderate objections from thofc, who venerate 
and love him fomewhat lefs than I do ; and who may not perhaps 
haveadverted to the views and circumlUnces of tkeir publication. E.] 

* [The following paragraph ftands in the original manufcript 
with a fingle line drawn through it. As I conceive no other reafon 
for this, than its being merely a general meteorological remark, 
that anfes out of the fundamental principle of this fyilem of the 
auroras, but relates not to the aurora itfelf ; I have here in a note 
reilored it, to be in time carried to its proper place. 29. ' If it 
be true that the clouds which go to the polar regions, and carry 
thither the vapors of the equatorial and temperate regions, [ have 
their] vapors condenfed by the extreme cold of the polar regions, 
and fall in fnow or hail ; the winds which come from thofe regions 
ought to be generally dry, unlefs they gain fome humidity by 
fweeping the ocean in their way. And if I miftake rot, the winds 
between the north eaft and the north weft, are for the moft part 
dry, when they have continued for fome time.' 

Perhaps this may be a fit place to introduce another remark by 
Dr. Franklin, which hasjuft occurred to my notice. Mr. Wina 
(in the letter quoted above p. 520, and which was addrefied to Dr. 
Franklin) had ftated that fince he had firft made the obfervation 
concerning fouth or fouth welt winds fucceeding an aurora, he had 
f:.und it invariably obtaining in twenty-three initanees ; and he adds 
in a farther note, dated Jan. 2.2, 1773, a fri-ih confirming inltance. 
Dr. Franklin then makes the following conjecture : ' The Aurora 

* Borealis* though vifible almoit every night of clear weather in the 

* more northern regions and very high in the atmofphere ; can fcarce 
' be vifible in England, but when the atmofphere is pretty clear of 
' clouds tor the whole fpace between us and thofe regions ; andther.e-. 

* fore are feldom vifible here. This extenve clearnefs may have 

* been produced by a long continuance of northerly winds. When 

* the winds have long continued in one quarter, the return is oftea 

X x x 

522 Height of Clouds ; wfh Conjeb 

' violent. Allowing the faft io repeatedly obfervec' 
* perhaps this may account frr \- 
' that loon follow the appear; 
(See the Phil. Tranf. for 1774, 

[P. S. A perfon, whofe nafne carries fome 
having doubted whether <:/?;.' 

lationfeen upon mountains^ I (hall confirm my affertior: evi 

dence of thofe employed in meaiuring .an equatorial dop.-ce on the 

mountains of Peru. Twenty-three days in particular v/ere fpent 

on Pichinca fummit, about whcfe elevation ' congelation uiually 
began ; and here they faw not only ice, but fnow altr; j-l daily, as 
alfo hail (which hail from the nature of its formation mult have been 
previous rain that had congealed onits pafl>ge;) and t!:- fo, s or 
clouds that ufually inveloped this and othd like firuatioris, necef- 
farily obliged them to place their fignals on 1- .ver ele\ at ms Even 
Cotopaxi itfelf was covered with ice and fnow; and Chimboraco 
(ftill higher thn,n Cotopaxi) was feen by M. Bcuguer with clouds 
above it, if mile from the congelation point; the height of no-moun- 1 
tain M. Bouguer had feen, being fufficient to difcover what he calls 
" the upper* term of congelation," or ceafing of fnow, &c. 

The raft being eftablifhed, I would thus endeavou co account for 
it. It is well known that more of the fun's rays will be received 
upon a given furface, in proportion as that furface is prefented to 
the rays at right angles, inftead of obliquely : So that if a wooden 
pin were ftuck perpendicularly in the ground in the way of the fet- 
ting fun, the proportion between the length of the pin and its fha- 
dovv, would truly reprefent this difference ; for if the pin were re- 

* [Seethe plate; and the Englirfi translation of Ulloa, Vol. I. p. 230-2, 235, 
and 460-1 (the fcnfe of which latter paffage however feems mifinterpreted.) 

Phipps's voyage indeed (p. 69-71) gives an account of mountains tar within the 
polar circle, that were covered with ice and fnow below, but'lelt bare at tb^ top: 
,But this was during autumn : and Maupertuis obferved under the polar circle, that 
the firft appearance of thaw in fpring time, was upon certain high points, which 
fhewed themfelves "like mountains after the deluge ;" (owing to the free niftion 
of the fun in part, alfo to drifting winds, and to the warmer air above orobaUy nol 
being chilled by an approach to the colder level of the earth.) But the abfence of 
the fnow here was clearly not for want of clouds} fcr Captain Phipps fays he never 
remembers obferving the Iky in thefe latitudes, without feeing it loaded ivith bard 
white clouds : And in Hudfon's Bay, the air is feldom or ever clear for 24 hours; . 
having clouds in it when the thermometer has remained 19 days below the o of 
Fahrenheit, and was once 43 below it, (the winds at the time chiefly blowing over 
cold land of immenfe extent, without their contents congealing in the courle of 
their vaft travels from the warmfea whence they were procured.) 

Clouds then appear not only abcrve the point of congelation on mountains taken 
vertically, but b*yond it taken horizontally at certain feafons towards the poles. '} 



Height of Clouds \ with Conjedures. -523 

moved, the long horizontal furface now covered by the fhadow, 
would have no more rays to enlighten it, than before fell fingly on. 
the pin. Again : tranfparent air, particularly when rare, is fcarcely 
at all affefted by the fun's rays, though colle&ed by a burning 
glafs; abundantly lefs fo than even tranfparent water; Tho' both fuf- 
fer the rays to pafs through to heat other bodies, and then grow warm 
by communication with thofe other bodies *. Now all the moiflurc 
of the earth would probably remain for ever frozen, were it not for 
the fun ; for thus (to mention only one proof at prefent) it happens 
in the polar circles, when the fun is abfent, or even when his rays 
fhoot feldom and obliquely. In the tropics however, where the fun's 
rays fall more perpendicularly, and are withdrawn for fhorter pe 
riods, and where they traverfe a morter fedlion of the atmofphere ; 
the earth's moifture appears not only liquid, but warm. If a /mall 
declivity of furface appears in the tropics, that is not oppofed to the 
fun ; that declivity may indeed receive few rays in proportion to its 
furface, and thence its furface have lefs power in heating the air ; 
but as heat is communicated to it by contact with the neighbouring 
fpots of ground, and by other air that is denfe and loaded with 
dark exhalations and that is heated in the courfe of a continued paf- 
fage along an immenfe warm level of earth ; the general furface of 
this fmall declivity will appear but little cooler than other more level 
parts. If a taller eminence however occurs, fuch as a towering 
mountain ; whofe fides are neceflarily very oblique to the fun, and. 
which can find no other land near it of the fame level to commu 
nicate heat to it either by contact or by confiderably warming the 
air that is to pafs over it, and which has its own. air above 
both clear and rare; fuch mountain in its higher parts will be 
found in its original freezing condition. If therefore the warm 
air which Dr. Franklin fuppofes to rife from the fea at the equator, 
and having its humidity in a ftate of tranfparent folution, comes 
near fuch cold mountain ; it will grow turbid and full of vapors 
or clouds ; and if thofe vapors are further condenfed and chilled, 
they will fall in hail or fnow. But it may be afked, whether fuch 
mountain will not gradually affume the temperature of the rifen air 
that furrounds it? I an fwer, that in a courfe of time this way happen; 
it may already have happened in part : but the change is very flow, 

* [The fun (other things being alike) has the appearance of aHng moft upon 
bodies that are leaft able to reflect or tranfmit its rays, and its rays ceafe in part to 
a& as light when they begin to aft as heat. But the common theory is, that heat 
confifting in inteftine motion, the reflection of the fun's rays backwards and forwards 
multiplies the number of times of their action, and increafes this motion, and con- 
fequently their heat. The atmofphere however (the body in queftion) is moft heated 
by the fun in its lower parts, when it is fomewhat hazy. If it were clear, hi the 
proportion of denfity in which it furrounds our earth, rays would be tranfmitted 
through it perhaps for hundreds of miles. E.J 

X x x z for 

524 Earth tends to freeze, but for the Sum 

for old as the world is grown, mountains of this defcription are yet 
but a little way thawed up. Nor is this perhaps wonderful : The 
heat loft by the air, when it depofits its moifture, is returned to the 
air in kind, when evaporation takes place upon the mountain, in 
confequenee of the thaw produced : Alfo when the fnow is melted, 
it not only thus evaporates, but often pours down along the moun 
tain's fide, together with the heat that thawed it ; As to the fun's, 
rays, the fogs intercept and carry away fome of the few directed to 
its furface, and ice and fnow reflect others : And bulk for bulk rare 
air poflefles little heat ; and what heat it has, fnow ( the body it 
chiefly meets with) is fuppofed not to conduct well *. 

How little proportional heat is communicated by the atmofphere 
to other bodies, is feerr by the difference found in our climates be 
tween the north and fouth walls of a houfe, by the coolnefs of the 
air itfelf in open caves and grottos, c. &c. and in particular when 
the earth is covered with fnow, we are told that it is very difficult 
for the froft of the air to penetrate the foil. On the other hand,, 
how exteniively though flowly, heat is communicated by contact 
from one particle of earth or 'water to another, will appear by fome 
additional remarks and corollaries ; which tend to prove that the 
earth's temperature generally taken depends wholly upon the fun, 
and that without this particular heat the earth would remain for 
ever frozen. 1-. Springs and caves, that are free from minerals and. 
tried at proper-depths, feem to correfpond with the avrage-heatx>f the 
climate-where they are found ; the earth at certain depths ceafing to 
obey the temporary changes of the fun, and only retaining its average, 
operation ; or in other words the flow changing maffes of the ftrata. 
below, deducting from or adding to the upper heat, juft in proportion 
as the fun's heat above exceeds or falls Ihort. 2. The fea in the. 
tropics is graduaHy colder as we have gone, lower down : It is 
ftill colder ia the cold regions, but liquid as far a^ the founding, 
line has gone ; Though differing left in the proportion of heat, 
between its furface and lower parts than in the tropics; for were 
the cold at bottom ever to produce congelation, the ice being^ 
fpecifically lighter j mult be expected to rife, and while riling would. 
be melted again quickly by the fea, where it ftill remained liquid,. 

- * '[See rnofl- particularly Dr. Franklin's- theory cf heat, p. 350- 7$ and 419-20.. 
of his Letters, 5th eu. If it be thought that the mountain ought to be heated by 
its contact with the ground found at itsrbafe; it muft be recoliedted that the earth 
immediately un&r its bafe .(which of tourfe is very extended) is neve? flvsne upon j- 
and that the p.arts r&tnd the bafe taken all together, are for very various reafons lefs 
warm below than if there wen: no mountain near them. As we have never pene 
trated into the earth's bov.-eis downwards more than one-third of the di.'tance 
fixed by. Ulloa for the point of congelation upwards at the equator, it is not to be 
expected that we can determine precifely how.high up the effett of contact ought to-, 
reach. E.J 


Earth tends to freeze, but for the Sun. 525, 

and thence produce (what is feen) a pretty even temperature be 
low* ; The parts above being regulated by the mixed operation of 
climate, evaporation, agitation, and contact. 3. Though thefe, 
effects depend upon the fun, yet its light and rays do not penetrate 
loo fathoms into the fea, and not at all into land : consequently 
the heat muft be communicated by contact. -4. I conjecture that 
the moifture of the ground in our latitudes, by its conducting powers 
as to iieat, is one principal cauieof this extenilve diffulion of warmth 
by land : for in India during a heat of 112 in the air, ice by be 
ing placed in a dry pit, in high ground, and furrounded with itraw 
and blanketting (both bad conductors of heat,) is kept unmelted. 
within four or five yards of the furface. And I would afk whether 
the drynejs produced \>y froft is not in this refpect of the fame nature, 
with this drynefs of foil arifing from abfence of moifture ; and 
whether ice is not for various reafons a worfe conductor of heat th*an. 
water ?~5. Jn Siberia f the inner furface of the ground appears always, 
frozen ; a fact firft intimated by the want of fprings, and then dif- 
covered by inflection in the courfe of digging for them ; whence 
one may fuppofe that the medium temperature of the climate there. 

for a great part of the year, is below the freezing point., 

6. The upper cruft of the furface however, is with them for a few. 
feet thawed in fummer : as with us it is only to the fame depth< 
frozen in winter. 7. The difference of heat between day and. 
night, winter and fummer, and in different latitudes, all prove the 
fun's omnipotence ; the greater heat and cold (as might be expected, 
where large maffes are in queftion) being always after, the turn. of. 
the feafon, &c. 8. Mines appear to keep a fimilar gradation of heat 
with that of the. tropical feas : the inner furface here, after the feafon,. 
has for fome time turned, being refpectively warmer cr colder than, 
the upper furface; (which fame circumftance is difcovered in the: 
temperature of the fea at theje times in uneven climates,, when fur 
rowed up by florms.) It may be difficult however on account of 
mineral and artificial heats, the forced circulation of, air, and the, 
warmth of the miners bodies, to acquire a juit notion of the tem 
perature of mines, and therefore it would be belt perhaps to examine, 
the water iffuing in them at different levels, provided it be pure J : 


* [This perhaps (allowance being made for the form of the vefiel, to leave room 
for the affertion above) wiiJ help to explain whence it is, that if freih water is fet to 
freeze, the unfrozen refiduum will always remain at 32 5 though the cold is intenfe 
and .equally applies to the water and the ice : a fadt noticed by that very accurate 
and modeli experimenter, Mr. Nairne. E..J 

f- [The rivers of Siberia therefore have their origin in the fouth, and go-on fluid 1 - 
b,y means of their united ^afifs to the north* In the north probably they could not: 
b,ave originate;.;, or at lead h<tv= been perennial. E.] 

J_ [Many miftakes are daily made, even by philofophical perfons, in taking the- 
temperature or liquids ; -Ii fckernvoKitjtcr liioulu rur.aia immerjcd in them at the mo-. 


and even then, as ore probably condu&s heat better than fimple 
earth, we fhould not perhaps acquire a perfect fcale for the earth's 
temperature at different depths where there are no mines. 9. It 
has been mentioned why the fea is not found frozen at its bottom : 
Hitherto in temperate climates alfo our miners have no where met 
with ice by land ; for hitherto our miners have no where penetrated 
of a mile below the heights where they have firft entered. 
10. The air in the fouthern hemifphere has been found not to 
arrive at the fame heat that is feen in correfponding Situations in 
the northern one ; not merely from the lefs comparative fun it 
enjoys, though that is of weight; but owing, I believe (as Dr. 
Forfier has fuggefted) to the little land now proved to be there : 
and as I conceive for the following reafon. The circulation of 
the fea prevents its furface from being very warm, and confequently 
its atmofphere ; And, as it prevents it alfo from being very cold, 
one might conjecture that it ought to produce a greater equality of 
temperature ; fo many and fo deep waters (with moiftened earth 
Hill under) blending together through all their mafs, not only day 
and night, but latitudes and feafons. Accordingly at Hudfon's Bay 
in north latitude 59, while the thermometer has varied through 
the year 127 degrees; at Falkland's iflands in fouth latitude 53, 
it has varied but 50 degrees : fo that though there may be lefs 
thaw in the cold parts of the fouthern hemifphere, there feems to 
be lefs a&ual intenfity of cold*. 11. There are other circum- 
ftances which prove how powerful a fecondary agent the fea is, 
in modifying the atmofphere on land : and particularly the general 
even ftate of weather enjoyed by places which receive the fea winds, 
and the extremities of feafon in thofe which receive the land winds ; 
remarkably proved in middle latitudes (as Dr. Franklin has ob- 
ferved) where wefterly winds prevail, and render the weftern coafU 
of large trafts of fuch land of an even temperature, but the eaftern 
coafts and middle territory .of a very varying one ; the furface of 
the earth in the one cafe J preferving all the natural inequalities 
of the fun's operation, and the fea in the other cafe removing it. 
12. If there be a point of perpetual congelation downwards, as 
there is upwards, and perhaps horizontally, then we need not fear 
left the waters of our globe mould leak away ; for they may be 

ment of cbfervation, to avoid the cold from evaporation, which in the above experi 
ments ;n particular cafes, would perhaps amount to three or four degrees. So when 
the heat of pumps or wells is tried, the water that has long been ftanding at the top 
Jhould be removed, and the water be obtained frefh from the fpring itfelf, through 
channels of a correfponding temperature. E.j 

* [Dr. Forfter, who adapts a very different explanation from the above to the 
fa he had fo happily pointed out, adds " if their fummers are fo cold, how cold 
" then muft be their winters?" E.] 

J [Owing to feveial cauics probably. .} 


A new caufe of the Auroras conjeffured. 527 

considered as held in by an impenetrable frozen bafm of earth.- 
13. Much has been faid of fubterraneous fires by characters of 
high authority and late date : And it is true that there are a few 
volcanos and hot minerals, fparfely fcattered in a few countries ; 
but they have little effect in warming atmofphere, land, or fea, di- 
reftly contiguous to them ; and to fuppofe that they have much 
influencein forming the general temperature of the gbbe, is like 
fuppofing that an immenfe plain, nearly! covered with water, would 
be heated through its whole mafs, by here and there a bonfire or 
lime-kiln being placed within it. If the power of thefe volcanos 
extended even a few miles beyond the feat of their minerals and 
fumes, how happens it that the immenfe volcanos of ^tna and 
Cotopaxi, fuffer a circle of eternal frofts and fnows to furround 
their feet ? 14. For the fun itfelf to have produced all the effecls- 
above mentioned, the prefent conilitution of things muft neceffarily 
have long fublifted. As to the nature of its rays, whether confifl- 
ing of emiffions both of light and heat together; or of light iingly 
and heat confequentially ; or whether the whole is in no fort an 
emiffion, but merely preiTure or communicated motion ; this is not 
the proper moment for difcufli; >n : Pernaps there are optical difficul 
ties attending the laft of thefe iblutions ; and were the firft to be 
held the true one, fuch powerful heat being incorporated century 
after century with our globe, < ne might have expected the accu 
mulation of it by this time to have arrived at prodigious extremes ;. 
the cle .r unequivo; al progrefs of which could hardly have efcaped 
the notice of hiitory. Alterations in the furface of land excepted, 
from the deftru&ion of forefts, &c. perhaps the earth may now be held 
arrived at its maximum of heat ; but when it is coniidered that per 
haps '-,. part of the earth is ftiil in foreft that is yet to be cut down,, 
this fource of frelh heat leems not to be overlooked : The confequences 
attending which circumftance, in another refpect, have already 
been ferious in the Weft Indies ; for drought in fome cafes has fol 
lowed the removal of fereils, particularly the mountainous ones j 
becaufe the more naked foil receiving and emitting the iun's heut 
better than the leaves and branches of trees, when the mountains 
become warmer from lofing their fcreen, they ar# lefs able than 
formerly to precipitate vapors or clouds from the hunrd air : Hence 
in fome of thefe places the inhabitants are faid to be taking meafures 
to reliore their forefls, as in other wetter pares they are in hatte to 
have them removed. 

I thought to have clofed here, but a hint has juft occurred to me, 
which I cannot but relate. Volcanos even in the tropics, do not 
heat their fides and necks, fo as to prevent their being frozen ; ilill 
lefs then do they their roots : buppofe therefore a volcano in fome 


528 A new caufe of tie Auroras conjetfured. 

northern country, to be fo high or cold, as to be infulated by frozen 
ground below. This volcano will caufe a heat perpendicularly and to 
great height over it in the air, not only becaufe its heat afcends, but 
becaufe the heated vaporized air alfo afcends : The column of air 
then correfponding to its bafe, being lighter than the neighbouring 
ones, mull: balance itfelfby being longer; and thence will Hand 
like a pillar above the reft. As the heat continues, may not the air 
then, which from the frozen face of the country is furcharged with 
electricity, flow in turn from the neighbouring furface to form a part 
of this fucceffive pillar, each particle bringing along with it its fur. 
charge of electricity ? And when arrived in turn at the pillar's fum- 
mit, will not fuch electricity have a better chance than in any other 
fituation, for projecting itfelf towards the vacuum above; the pillar 
not only being thus elevated, but the heat poffibly extending fUll 
above? And the longer and fiercer the fire, will not the more elec 
trical fluid in turn be tranfmitted ? Iceland is large, elevated, and 
in 65 of latitude.; why may not a volcano of this defciiption be 
found in Iceland, and produce an Aurora Borea'is ? The appearances 
of fome of our auroras about that ifland *, the frequent volcanos 
difperfed through it, the flufhings of their fire according with the 
flufhings of the aurora, and the pofiibility of feeing what happens 
at coniiderable elevations in that quarter; feem to incline one to 
the hypothefis. If our auroras have only lately appeared, the fame 
may be the cafe with trie volcano that has produced them ; which 
volcano may ceafe again, for the fame reafon that the volcano of 
Hecla has ceafed. And if the aurora ufuaTly is feen in the begin 
ning of the night, and is brighteft when thaw fucceeds after cold ; 
will not this correfpond with the idea that humid air is in itfelf ful- 
left of electricity ; and that as the thaw will be lateft in affecting the 
high lands and fome inclination to froft may be fuppofed to attend 
there after the fun firft difappears ; the heated pillar of air may 
thence (at leaft in certain ftages) be well electrified, though the 
ground below, and perhaps other parts of the furrounding air above, 
jnay not yet have acquired conducting powers ? Suppofe this mat 
ter were more obferved. Though there is but little land in the 
fouth, Dr. Forfter w;is not in wide feas, but within a few days fail 
of New Zealand, when he faw the auroras in that hemifphere : Is 
there no "lofty volcano then in New Zealand ? The infulation of 
the volcano, it will be feen is eflential to its operation ; for were 
it allowed conducting powers, the whole furplus of electricity would 
rum through the fire and minerals, to the moiftened earth and 
jcomnninicating feas : Hence as it would have fpoiled Dr. Franklin's 
idea of a furcharge, I had always kept volcanos out of the theory; 
not having till lately adverted to the probability of the fe&ion of 

* [See page 519, laft note, E.J 

[M.P.] A new caufe of the Auroras conjeftured. 529 

their bafe being frozen throughout. However as votcatios are faid to 
require 'water to form their minerals into a pafle s it is worth confider- 
ing whence the water is to come, if froft helps * to infulate the vol 
cano. I know no other folution than the following. If water were 
once allowed a remarkably mild feafon for penetrating into the 
mountain (and the difference of a few inches of thaw, or a chafm 
formed by an earthquake attending fome neighbouring eruption, 
might effect this) the materials of the volcano might be put into 
order for an eruption ; and an opening being once formed, the water 
might afterwards be fupplied from without : for the Icelanders are 
faid by experience to expect an eruption from a volcano, whenever 
the ice is formed in mafles ready to drop into its crater ; and the 
neighbouring fummits might eafily give this fupply f. But the 
whole of this is to beheld as conjecture, till confirmed by better 
obfervation ; for which reafon it feems prudent not to venture at 
prefent upon any farther minutiae. It may be proper only to anti 
cipate a confiderable objection, relative to thejize of the aurora arc, 
compared with the diameter of the crater ; which perhaps is done 
by obferving, that when the column of heated air rifes to a certain 
fituation, its' repulfive force makes it expand and float on the top of 
the neighbouring columns ; and the electric fluid it contains (already 
fpread out by this operation) fpreads itfelf abundantly wider by its 
own farther repulfion as it advances to rarer mediums ; till at laft it 
arrives at the diffufion obferved when it firft exhibits light. Indeed 
if the top of the pillar of air were not thus fucceffively removed, the 
air below could no longer fucceffively rife. 

The facts taken notice of in the courfe of the notes upon this 
paper, it may be feen perhaps have other various and extenfive 
applications, but it will be feen alfo that fuch application^ have no 
claim to be found in this place. I mail therefore conclude with the 
following lift of references confirming what has been ftated in the 

poftfcript to thefe notes. Ulloa, as before quoted, and vol. I. 

p. 246; Philofbph. Tranf. for 1770, p. 147-9, 129, and 131 ; 
Prieftley's Optics, p. 426-9; Philofoph. Tranf. for 1776, p. 107; 
\. R. Forfter's obfervations during a voyage round the world, p. 60. 
(confirmed by the journal of Mr. Bayley in the Adventure floop) 
alfo, ibid. p. 98-99 ; Philof. Tranf. for 1775, p. 459-462, with 
Marline's Effay on Thermometers, p. 2 2 2, and other facts; Phipps's 
Voyage toward the North pole, p. 141, 142-6, 147 ; Philofoph. 
Tranf. for 1775, p. 253, compared with 257; Petersburg Memoirs ; 

* [There muft be an abfence of minerals, as well as moifture, where the infula- 
tion is. .] 

j- [See Dr. Forfter's obfervations during a voyage round the world, p. 121. com 
pared with p. 10; UJloa'i very fenfible theory of volcanos and earthquakes, vol. zd. 
p. 87 ; and the Abbe Prevot's collc&ion of voyages and continuation, Vol. 18. ch. 
ad. and 3d. 410 edit. E, J 

Y y y De 

53 Concluding Remarks from M. Mairan. 

De Luc's Account of the mines in the Hartz foreft in Germany, alfo 
Bergman's Phyfical Geography ; and Muflchen brock's Introductio 
ad Phil. Natur. artic. 2299. E.J 

[ N. B. Since writing the above, M. Mairan's Traite Phyjique et 
Jiiftoriquc de I' furore Bcrcale, znde edit, has fallen into my hands. 
The theory is fingular perhaps, but the historical collection is ela 
borate and important. It poflibly was to fuperfede the neceffity of 
this theory, that Dr. Franklin has fuggeilcd a caufe for the frequent 
appearance of the airoras at the apprcacb of winter : and I find by 
Mairan's table, that out of 1441 auroras which are recorded during 
1168 years, 212 were feen in the months of October, and 202 in 
thofe of March ; which gives the preference to October, contrary to 
Muflchenbroek, and conformable to Dr. Franklin,- --Mairan alfo 
makes it clear that the auroras were formerly very unfrequent ; info- 
much that the number which appeared from 1722 to 1751 inclu- 
fively, (amounting to 989 in only 30 years) more than doubles ac 
cording to his table thofe that had appeared during the fpace of 1 1 38 
years before. He feems alfo to have proved that the auroras are 
neither perpetual, ancient, nor unufually brilliant towards the high, 
latitudes in this northern hemifphere ; and that they are perhaps ne 
ver feen in it at fo low latitudes as 36. In thefoutbern hemifphere, 
he confirms their appearance from Ulloa ; who fent him a very 
fatisfaclory account by letter, of fome that he had feen in doubling 
the land at Cape Home ; and Frezier alfo appears to have feen the 
like in the fame Situation. Refpe&ing the height of the auroras, he 
exhibits a computation made by various philofophers in various man 
ners of certain particular ones, and ftates the average of them at 1 75 
leagues high (of which leagues 25 go to a degree) ; the loweft being 
47 leagues, and the higheft 275 leagues : And in another place he 
computes the average of them at 200 leagues high, which is 8 de 
grees or 556 Englifh miles. See Mairan, p. 554; 547-5545 

82-93; 379-3 8 9; 10 4 437 J 43 8 -44 | 5 5 6 ~7> 45- 6 >4 I *> 433~ 6 - 
alfo Newton's Optics, Qu. 28. 

To conclude ; when I firft' read the above paper in May laft, I 
thought I favv true principles contained in it, though I felt difficulties 
in their application. Upon a due consideration however of the loca 
lity of the auroras, the irregular periods of their appearance, and the 
fmall elevation of the atmofphere ; I find thefe difficulties to be in- 
fuperable. I have therefore applied the fame principles of " eleftri- 
4 ' catty charged air, and a non-condufttng earthy" to another hypothefis; 
which feems to admit a nearer approximation to the truth. For va 
rious reafons however, I make no alterations in the notes ; which 
tend to eftablifh two fingular fa&s ; viz. thr.t the air is moiSt and 
warm at unexpected heights above, and tha: the earth is frozen at 
tmexpefted depths below. July 1779. N.B. Vide Addenda. E.] 


[M.P.] The Author's Epitaph on Himfelf. 531 

The body 


(Like the cover of an old book, 

Its contents torn out, 
And ftript of its lettering and gilding) 

Lies here, food for worms ; 

Yet the work itfelf fhall not be loft, 

For it will (as he believed) appear once more, 

In a new 

And more beautiful edition, 
Correclad and amended 

- Tne Author*. 

* [A news-paper, in which I have feen tKis copy of Dr. Frankliu*s 
epitaph on bimfelf, fays that it firft appeared in a Boflott Mfwt-paffr 
ciUblift$d and printed by Dr. Franklin. E. j 

Yyy 2 APEEN- 

( 533 ) 

. . 
Qontaining additional Papers proper for infertion 

in the foregoing work. 

[G. P.] 

Rules for a Club formerly ejlallijhed in 
Philadelphia J. 

Previous queftion, to be anfwered at every meeting. 

TTAVE you read over thefe queries this morn- 
* - ing, in order to confider what you might 
have to offer the Junto [touching] any one of 
them ? viz. 

' I. Have you met with any thing in the author 

* you laft read, remarkable, or fuitable to be com- 

* municated to the Junto ? particularly in hiftory, 

* morality, poetry, phyiic, travels, mechanic arts, 

* or other parts of knowledge. 

J [This was an early performance ; and carries along with ft 
an air of Angularity, accompanied with fuch operative good fenfe 
and philanthropy, as charafterizes it for Dr. Franklin's. It did not 
come into my poffeffion early enough for infertion in the body of the 
work; but it belongs to the divifion of General Politics after p. 81. 
as the chief ends propofed by it tend to the advancement of a State, 
The club for which it was written, was held (as I have fuppofed) 
in Philadelphia ; and if I am well informed was compofed of men 
confiderable for their influence ^nd difcretion ; rbr though the chief 
meafures of Penfylvania ufqally received their firil formation in this 
club,- it exifted for 30 years without the nature of its inftitution. 
being publicly known. E.] 

' 2- What 


* 2. What new ftory have you lately heard 

* agreeable for telling in converfation ? 

' 3 . Hath any citizen in your knowledge failed 
c in his bufinefs lately, and what have you heard 

* of the caufe ? 

c 4. Have you Jately heard of any citizen's 
' thriving well, and by what means ? 

' 5. Have you lately heard how any prefent 
' rich man, here or elfewhere, got. his eitate ? 

' 6. Do you know of any fellow citizen, who 

* has lately done a worthy action, deferving praife 

* and imitation ? or who has committed an error 
' proper for us to be warned againft and avoid ? 

* [7. What unhappy effects of intemperance 

* have you lately obferved or heard ? of impru- 
' dence? ofpaffion? or of any other vice or folly ? 

* 8. What happy effedts of temperance ? of 
' prudence ? of moderation ? or of any other 

* virtue ?] 

' 9. Have you or any of your acquaintance 

* been lately fick or wounded ? If fo, what reme- 

* dies were ufed, and what were their effects ? 

6 jo. Who do you know that are ihortly going 

* voyages or journies, if one mould have occalion 

* to fend by them ? 

' n. Do you think of any thing at prefent, in 

* which the Junto may be ferviceable to mankind ? 

* to their country, to their friends, or to them- 

* felves ? 

12. Hath 

u J. P.] Rules for a Club. <, 

' 12. Hath any deferving flranger arrived in 
' town fincebir meeting, thr.t yea heard of ? and 
s what have you heard or oblbrvtd of his cha- 
' rafter or merits ? and whether think you, it lies 
' in the power of the Junto to oblige him, or 
' dncourage him as he deierves ? 

c 13. Do you know of any deferving young 
' beginner lately fet up, whom it lies in the power 

* of the Junto any way to encourage ? 

* 14. Have you lately obferved any defect in 
' the laws of your country, [of] which it would 
' be proper to move the legislature for an amend- 
4 ment ? Or do you know of any beneficial law 
' that is wanting ? 

' 15. Have you lately obferved any encroach- 

* ment on the juft liberties of the people ? 

' 1 6. Hath any body attacked your reputation 
' lately ? and what can the Junto do towards fe- 

* curing it ? 

* 17. Is there any man whofe friendmip you 
' want, and which the Junto or any of them, can 
' procure for you ? 

' 1 8. Have you lately heard any member's cha- 
' racter attacked, and how have you defended it ? 

* 19. Hath any man injured you, from whom 
' it is in the power of the Junto to procure re- 
drefs ? 

* 20. In what manner can the Junto, or any of 
' them, affifl you in any of your honourable de- 
' figns ? 

* 21. Have 


' 21. Have you any weighty affair in hand, in 
' which you think the advice of the Junto may be 

* of fervice -f- ? 

' 22. What benefits have you lately received 
' from any man not prefent ? 

' 23. Is there any difficulty in matters of opi- 
e nion, of juftice, and injuftice, which you would 

* gladly have difcuffed at this time ? 

' 24. Do you fee any thing amifs in the pre- 

* .fent cuftoms or proceedings of the Junto, which 

* might be amended ? 

Any perfon to be qualified, to fland up, and lay 
his hand on his breaft, and be afked thefe quef- 
tions 5 viz. 

' i . Have you any particular difrefpedt to any 

* prefent members ? Anfwer. I have not. 

* 2. Do you lincerely declare that you love 

* mankind in general ; of what profeffion or 

* religion foever ? Anfw. I do. 

' 3. Do you think any perfon ought to be 

* harmed in his body, name or goods, for mere 

* fpeculative opinions, or his external way of 

* worfhip ? Anf. No. 

* 4. Do you love truth for truth's fake, and 

* will you endeavour impartially to find and re- 
' ceive it yourfelf and communicate it to others ? 

* Anfig). Yes. 

f [Queries N 7 and 8 follow here, in the original. E.] 

[ A. D. T. ] 

of the Conftitution of the Colonies, by Governor 
Pownall J -, with Remarks by Dr. Franklin. 


I . T T 7Herever any Englifomen go forth without 

* * the realm, and make fettlements in par- 

tibus exteris, * Thefe fettlements as Englifli fet~ 

* dements, and thefe inhabitants as Englifh fub- 

* jec~ls, (carrying with them the laws of the land 

* wherever they form colonies, and receiving his 

* Majefty's protection by virtue of his royal char- 

* ter *' or commiilions of government,) ' have 
' and enjoy all liberties and immunities of free 

* and natural fubjeds, to all intents conftrudtions 
' and purpofes whatfoever ; as if they and every 

* of them were born within the realm -j-;' And 
are bound by the like allegiance as every other 
fubjecl: of the realm. 

Rem. The fettlers of colonies in America did not carry with, them 
the laws of the land, as being bound by them wherever they Ihould 
fettle. They left the realm to avoid the inconveniences and hard- 


J [This State of the Conjlitutibn of the Colonies was printed at the 
clofe of 1769, and communicated to various perfons, with "a view 
to prevent mifchief, from the mifunderftandings between the govern 
ment of Great Britain and the people of America. 1 have taken the 
liberty of afcribing it to Governor Pownall, as his name could have 
been no fecret at the time. Dr. Franklin's remarks (which from 
their early date are the more curious) are in manufcript j and from 
an obfervation in reply figned T. P. appear to have been com 
municated to Governor Pownall. The larger type with the lower 
notes, mark what belongs to Governor Pownall; and the fmaller type, 
mixed with the larger one and figned B. F. marks what belongs to 
Dr. Franklin. E.] 

* Pratt and York. f General words in all charters. 



(kips they were under, where fome of thofe laws were in force : 
particularly ecclefiaftical laws, thofe for payment of tythes asd 
others. Had it been underftood that they were to carry thefe laws 
with them, they had better have ftaid at home among their friends, 
unexpofed to the rifques and tcils of a new fettlement. They car 
ried with them, a right tofucbpartsof the law< of the land, as they 
fhould judge advantageous or ufeful to them : a right to be free from 
thofe they thought hurtful : and a right to make fuch others, as thsy 
Ihould think neceflary, not infringing the general rights of Englifh- 
men ; And fuch new laws they were to form, as agreeable as might 
be to the laws of England. B, F. 

2. Therefore the common law of England, and 
d&fuchftatutes as were enacted and in force at the 
time in which fuch fettlers went forth, and fuch 
colonies and plantations were eftablifhed, (except 
as hereafter excepted) together with all fuch alte 
rations and amendments as the faid common law 
may have received -, is from time to time and at 
all times, the law of thofe colonies and planta 

Rem. So far as they adopt it ; by exprefs laws or by practice. B. F . 

3 . Therefore all Statutes touching the right of 
the fuccejjion, and fettlement of the crown, with 
the ilatutes of treafon relating thereto -, J. All fta- 


J [i. e.j All ftatutes refpefting the general relation between the 
crown and the fubjeft ; not fuch as refpeft any particular or peculiar 
eftablifhment of the realm of England. As for inftance : By the 
13th and i4th of Car. II. c. 2. the fupreme military power is de 
clared to be in general, without limitation, in his Majefty, and to 
have alway been of right annexed ta the office of King of England, 
throughout all his Majefty's realms and dominions ; Yet the enaft- 
ing claufe, which refpe&s only the peculiar eftablifhment of the militia 
of England, extends to the realm of England only: So that the fu 
preme military power of the crown in all other his Majefty's realms 
and dominions ftands, as to thisftatute, on the bafis of its general 
power, unlimited. However, the feveral legiflatures of his Majefty's 


[A: D.T.] Conjlltutlon of the Colonies. 539 

tutes regulating or limiting the general powers and 
authority of the crown, and the exercife of the ju- 
rifdi&ion thereof; All ftatutes declaratory of the 
rights and liberty of the fubjett -, do extend to all 
Britifh fubjedls in the colonies and plantations as 
of common right, and as if they and every of them 
were born within the realm. 

Rent. It is doubted whether any fettlementof the crown by parlia 
ment, takes place in the colonies, otherwife than by Confent of the 
Affemblies there. Had the rebellion in 1 745 fucceeded fo far as to 
fettle the Stuart family again on the throne, by aft of parliament, 
I think the colonies would not have thought themfelves bound by 
fuch Aft. They would flill have adhered to the prefent family, as 
long as they could. B. F. 

[Obf. in Reply. They are bound to the King and his fucceflbrs, 
and we know no fucceffion but by aft of parliament. T. P.] 

4. All ftatutes enabled Jince the eftablifhment 
of colonies and plantations, do extend to and ope 
rate within the faid colonies and plantations, in 
which ftatutes the fame are fpecially named. 

Rem. It is doubted whether any aft of parliament mould of right 
operate in the colonies : in fail feveral of them have and do operate. 

5. Statutes and cuftoms which refpecl only the 
fpecial and local circumjlances of the realm, do not 

extend to and operate within faid colonies and 
plantations, where no fuch fpecial and local cir- 
cumftances are found. (Thus the ecclejiaftical 
and canon law, and all ftatutes refpefting tythes > 

kingdom of Ireland, of his dominions of Virginia, and of the feve 
ral colonies and plantations in America ; have, by laws to which 
the King hath given his confent, operating within the precinfts of 
their feveral jurifdiftions, limited the powers of it and regulated the 
exercife thereof. 

Z z z 2 The 


The laws refpefting courts baron and copy holds -, 
The game afh ; The ffotutes refpeffiing the poor, 
. and fettlements j and all other laws and ftatutes 
having fpecial reference to fpecial and lcr.:l cir- 
cumflances and eftabli&ments within the realm ; 
do not extend to and operate within thefe fet 
tlements, in partibus exteris, where no fuch cir- 
cumftances or eftablifhnients exift.) 

Rem. Thefe laws have no force in America : not merely becaufe 
local circumftances differ ; but becaufe they have never been adopted, 
or brought over by Afts of Affembly or by practice in the courts. 
JS. F. 

6. No ftatutes madeyfo^ the eftablilhment of 
faid colonies and plantations, (except as above de- 
fcribed in Articles 3. and 4.) do extend to and 
operate within faid colonies and plantations. 

Quere. Would any flatute made fince the 
eftablimment of faid colonies and plantations, 
which flatute imported to annul and abolifh the 
powers and jurifdidlions of their refpedtive confti- 
tutions of government, where the fame was not 
contrary to the laws, or any otherwife forfeited 
or abated ; or which ftatute imported to take 
away, or did take away, the rights and privileges 
of the fettlers, as Britifh fubjedts : Would fuch 
flatute, as of right, extend to and operate within 
faid colonies and plantations ? 

No. The parliament has no fuch power. The charters 
cannot be altered but by confent of both parties, The King and the 
Colonies, . F. 


[A: D.T.] Conftitutlon of the Colonies. 541 

[COROLLARIES from the foregoing Principles . ] 

Upon the matters of fact, right and law as 
above flated, it is, That the Britiih fubjects thus 
fettled in partibus exteris without the realm, fb 
long as they are excluded from an intire 'union 
with the realm as parts of and within the fame ; 
have a right to have (as they have) and to be go 
verned by (as they are) a dljlintt Intlre 'civil go 
vernment ', of the like powers pre-eminences and 
jurifdidtions (conformable to the like rights, pri 
vileges, immunities, iranchifes, and civil liber 
ties;, as are to be found and are eftablimed in 
the Britim government, refpedring the Britifh 
fubject within the realm. 

Rem. Right. B. F. 

Hence alfo it is, That the Rights of thefubjetf 
as declared in the Petition of rights, That the 
Limitation of the prerogative by the Act for abo- 
lifhing the Star-chamber and for regulating the 
Privy-council, &c.; That the Habeas Corpus Act, 
The Statute of Frauds, The Bill of Rights -, do of 
common right extend to and are in force within 
faid colonies and plantations. 

Rent. Several of thefe rights are eftablifhed by fpecial colony laws. 
If any are not yet fo eftablifhed, the colonies have right to fuch 
laws : And the covenant having been made in the charters by the 
King, for himfelf and his fucceiTors, fuch laws ought to receive the 
royal affent as of right. S. F. 

Hence it is that \b.Q freeholders within the pre 
cincts of thefe jurifdidtions have (as of right they 
ought to have) zfoare in the power of making~tbofe 
laws which they are to be governed by, by the 



right which they have of fending their reprefen- 
tatives to act for them and to confent for them in 
all matters of legiflation ; which reprefentatives 
when met in general afTembly, have, together 
with the crown, a right to perform and do all 
the like acts refpecting the matters things and 
rights within the precincts of their juriidiction, 
as the parliament hath refpecting the realm and 
Britim dominions. 

Hence alfo it is that all the executive offices, 
(from the fupreme civil magiftrate as locum tenens 
to the King, down to that of conftable and head- 
borough;) muft of right be eftablifhed with all 
and the like powers, neither more nor lefs than 
as denned by the conftitution and law; as in fad: 


they are eftablifhed. 

Hence it is that the judicial offices and courts of 
jujlice, eftablifhed within the precincts of faid ju- 
rifdictions, have, as they ought of right to have ; 
all thofe jurifdictions and powers ' as fully and 
amply to all intents and purpofes whatfoever ; 
as the courts of King's Bench, Common Pleas, 
and Exchequer, within his Majefty's kingdom 
of England, have, and ought to have; and are 
empowered to give judgment and award exe 
cution thereupon J.' 

Hence it is, that by the pofTeffion enjoyment 
and exercife of his Majefty's Great Seal delivered 
to his Majcfty's Governor, there is eftablifhed 
within the precincts of the refpective jurifdictions 

Law in New-England, confirmed by the crown, Oft. 22, 1700. 


[A: D.T.] Conftitution of the Colonies. 543 

all the fame and like powers of Chancery (except 
where by charters fpecially excluded) as his Ma- 
jefty's chancellor within his Majefty's kingdom 
of England hath, and of right ought to have, by 
delivery of the Great Seal of England. And 
hence it is that all the like rights privileges and 
powers, follow the ufe exercife and application 
of the Great Seal of each colony and plantation 
within the precindls of faid jurifdidion ; as doth, 
and ought of right to follow the ufe, exercife, 
and application of the Great Seal. 

Hence alfo it is that appeals in Real affions, 
' whereby the lands, tenements, and heredita- 
' ments of Britim fubje&s may be drawn into 
' queftion and difpofed of J;' do not lie, as of 
right and by law they ought not to lie, to the 
King in council. 

Hence alfo it is that there is not any law now in 
being, whereby the fubjett within faid colonies and 
plantations can be removed* from the jurifdiSllon 


t 1 6th Car. I. c. 10. i 

* The cafe of the court erefted by Acl of Parliament 1 1 and I2th 
of William III. c. 7. (fince the enacting of the Habeat Corpus Aft) for 
the trial of piracies felonies and robberies committed in or upon the 
fea, or in any haven river creek or place 'where the Admiral has 
jurifdittion, does no way affeft this pofition : Nor doth the 14 . of 
the faid flatute directing that the commiflioners, of whom fuch court 
confifts, may iffuc their warrant for apprehending fuch pirates &c. 
in order to their being tried in the colonies, or fent int.o England $ 
any way militate with the doftrine here laid down: nor can it be 
applied as the cafe of a jurifdittion attually exifting, which fuperfedes. 
the jurisdictions of the courts in the colonies and plantations ; and 
as what authorifes the taking the accufed of fuch piracies &c. from 
tbofe juried! fiiens, and the feuding fuchyi taken to England for trial. 


to which he is amenable in all his rights, and through 
which his fervice and allegiance muft be derived 
to the crown, and from which no appeal lies in 
criminal caufes ; fo as that fuch fubject may be 
come amenable to a jurifdiclion foreign to his 
natural and legal reilancy ; to which he may be 
thereby tranfported, and under which he may be 
brought to trial and receive judgment, contrary 
to the rights and privileges of the fubject as de 
clared by the fpirit and intent and efpecidly by 
the i6th . of the Habeas Corpus A6\. And if 
the perfon of any fubjedl: within the faid colonies 
and plantations flwuld be feized or detained by 
any power iffuing from any court, without the 
jurifdidion of the colony where he then had his 
legal refiancy ; it would become the duty of the 
courts of juftice 'within fuch colony (it is un- 

It cannot be applied as a cafe fimilar and in point to the applica 
tion of an Aft of Parliament (pafled in the 35th of Hen. VIII. con 
cerning the trial of treafons,) lately recommended in order to the 
fending perfons accufed of committing crimes in the plantations, to 
England for trial : Becaufe this Aft of the nth & 1 2th of William, 
c. 7. refpefts crimes committed in places, " Where the Admiral has 
*' jurifdiciion" andCq/es to which the jurifdiftion of thofe provincial 
courts ilo not extend. In the cafe of treafons committed within the ju~ 
rifdiftion of the colonies and plantations ; there are courts competent 
to try fuch crimes and to give judgment thereupon, where the trials 
of filch are regulated by laws to which the King hath given his con- 
fent : From which there lies no appeal, and wherein the King hath 
given power and inftruftion to his Governor as to execution or 
refpite of judgment. The faid Aft of Hen. VIII. which provides 
remedy for a cafe which fuppofes the <want of due legal jurifdiftion 
cannot be any way, or by any rule, applied to a cafe where there is 
due legal and competent jurifdiftion. 


[A: D.T.] Conftitution oft fa Colonies. 545 

doubtedly of their jurifdi&ion fo to do) to iffue 
the writ of habeas corpus J. 

Hence alfo it is, that in like manner as ' the 
*' command and difpofition of the militia , and of all 
' forces by fea and land, and of all forts and places 
' of -Strength; is, and by the laws of England 
' ever was, the undoubted right of his Majefly, 
* and his royal predeceflbrs Kings and Queens 
' of England, within all his Majefty's realms 
' and dominions -)-;' in like manner as the fu- 
preme ; military power and command (fo far as 
the constitution knows of and will juftify its 
eftablimment) is inseparably annexed to, and 
forms an eflential part of, the office of fupreme 
civil magistrate, the office of King : In like man 
ner, in all governments under the King, where 
the constituents are Britim fubje&s and of full 
and perfect right entitled to the Britim laws and 
constitution, the fupreme military command 

J [The] referring to an old Aft made. for the trial of treafons com 
mitted out of the realm, by fuch perfons as had no legal refiancy but 
v/ithin the realm, and who were of the realm ; applying the purview 
of that ftatute which was made to bring fubje&s of the realm who had 
committed treafbn out of the realm (where there was no criminal ju- 
rifdiftion to which they could be amenable) to trial within the realm, 
under that criminal jurifdiftion to which alone by their legal refiancy 
and allegiance they were amenable j applying this to the cafe of 
fubjefts whofe legal reliancy is without the realm, and who are by 
that refiancy and their allegiance amenable to a jurifdiftion autho 
rized and empowered to try and give judgment upon all capital of 
fences whatfoever without appeal ; thus applying this ftatute fo as to 
take up a proceeding, for which there is no legal procefs either by 
common or ftatute law as ROW eftablifhed, but in defiance of which 

there is a legal procefs eftablifhed by the Habeas Corpus Adi: ; 

Would be, to disfranchife the fubjeci in America of thofe rights and 
liberties which by ftatute and common law he is npw intitled to. 

t I3th and i4th Car. II. c. 2." 

4 A withia 


within the precin&s of fuch jurifdiclions, muft 
be infeparably annexed to the office of fupreme 
civil magiftrate, (his Majefty's Regent, Vice 
gerent, Lieutenant, or Locum Tenens, in what 
form foever eftablilhed ;) fo that the King cannot 
'by any J commiffion of regency, by any corri- 
miffion or charter of government, feparate or 
withdraw the fupreme command of the military 
from the office of fupreme civil magiftrate; either 
by referving this command in his own hands, to 
be exercifed and executed independent of the civil 
power; or by granting a diftindl commiffion to 
any military commander in chief, fo to be exer 
cifed and executed - 9 but more elpecially not within 
fuch jurifdiclions where fuch fupreme military 
power (fo far as the constitution knows and will 
juftify the fame) is already annexed and granted 
to the office of fupreme civil magiftrate. And 
hence it is that the King cannot ered: or eftablifli 
any law martial or military command, by any 
commimon which may fuperfede and not be fub- 
jecl: to the fupreme civil magiftrate, within the 

t If the King was to abfent himfelf for a time from the realm* 
and did as ufual leave a regency in his place, (his locum tenens as 
fupreme civil magiftrate ;) Could he authorize and commiffion any 
military commander in chief, to command the militia forts and 
forces, independent of fuel} regency ? Could he do this in Ireland ? 
Could he do this in the colonies and plantations, where the Governor 
is already, by commiffion or charter or both under the Great Seal, 
military commander in chief ; as part of (and infeparably annexed 
to) the office of fupreme civil magiftrate, his Majefty's locum tenens 
within faid jurifdiclions ? If he could ; then while openly, by 
patent according to law, he appeared to eftablifh a free Britifh con 
ftitution, he might by a fallacy eftablifh a military power and go 


[A: D.T.] Conftitution of tie Colonies. 547 

refpective precincts of the civil jurifdictions of 
faid colonies and plantations ; otherwife than in 
fuch manner as the faid law martial and military 
commiflions are annexed or fubjedt to the fupreme 
civil jurifdiction within his Majefty's realms and 
dominions of Great Britain and Ireland; And 
hence it is that the eftablimment and exercife of 
fuch commands and commiflions would be ille- 

Rem. The King has the command of all military force in his domi 
nions : But in every diftinft ftate of his dominions there mould be 
the confent of the parliament or afiembiy, (the reprefentative body) 
to the raijtng and keeping up fuch military force. He cannot even 
raife troops and quarter them in another, without the confent of 
.that other. He cannot of right bring troops raifed in Ireland and 
quarter them in Britain, but with the confent of the parliament of 
Britain : Nor carry to Ireland and quarter there, foldiers raifed in 
Britain, without the confent of the Irilh parliament ; unlefs in time 
of war and cafes of extreme exigency. In 1756 when the Speaker 
went up to prefent the money-bills, he faid among other things,, 
that ' England was capable of fighting her own battJes and defend- 

* ingherlelf; And although ever attached to your Majefty's perfon, 

* ever at eafe under your juft government ; They cannot forbear 

* taking notice of fome circumilances in the prefent fituation of 

* affairs, which nothing but the confidence in your juftice, could 
' hinder frpm alarming their moft ferious apprehenfions. Subfidies 

* to foreign princes, when already burthened with a debt fcarceto be 

* borne, cannot but be feverely felt. An army ^FOREIGN TROOPS, 

* a thing iinprecedented, unheard of, unknown, BROUGHT INTO 

* ENGLAND; cannot but alarm, &c. &c.' (See the Speech.) 

N. B. Thefe FOREIGN TROOPS were part of the King's fubjefts, 
Hanoverians, and all in his fervice ; which the fame thing as * 

4 [Governor P. accompanied this paper to Dr. F. with a fort of prophetic remark. 
After ftating that thefe theorems, and their application to exiffing cafes, were in 
tended to remedy the prejudice indigeftion indecifion and errors then prevailing either 
In opinions or conduft } he adds * The very attention to the investigation may lead 
* to the difcovery of fane truths refpeffing tbe&btle Britijh Empire, then little thought 
' of andfcarce even fufpe&ed j and which perhaps it would not be prudent at this 



[A: D.T.] . 70 be inferted after p, 232, or p. 302- 

London, Nov. 28, 1768. 

Dear SIR*, 

Received your obliging favour of the i2th in- 

ftant. Your fentiments of the importance of 
the prefent diipute between Great Britain and the 
Colonies, appear to me extremely juft. There 
is nothing I wifh for more than to fee it amicably 
and equitably fettled. But Providence will bring 
about its own ends by its own means; and if it 
intends the downfal of a nation, that nation will 
be fo blinded by its pride, and other paffions, as 
not to fee its danger, or how its fall may be pre 

B.eing ; born and bred in one of the countries, 
and having lived long and made many agreeable 
connexions of friendship in the other, I wifh all 
profperity to both : but I have talked, and writ 
ten fo much and fo long on the fubject, that my 
acquaintance are weary of hearing, and the public 
of reading any more of it *, which begins to make 
me weary of talking and writing : especially as I 
do not find that I have gained any point, in either 
country ; except that of rendering myfelf fuf- 
pedted, by my impartiality ; in England, of be- 

* [I cannot pretend to fay what is the publication promifed in this 
letter; unlefs probably it alludes to the one given above at p. 232; 
in which cafe there is a miftake in the date of thejiear. When 
this work is tranfHted or reprinted, this letter mult either precede 
the piece in queftion, or follow the Examination before die Houfe 
f Commons, at p, 302, JE.j 


[A : D. T.] Attempts for conciliation. 

ing too much an American, and in America of 
being too much an Engli{hman. Your opinion 
however weighs with me, and encourages me to 
try one effort more, in a full, though conciie 
ftate of fads,, accompanied with arguments drawn 
from thofe facts j to be publimed about the meet 
ing of parliament, after the holidays. 

If any good may be done I mall rejoice; but 
at prefent I almoft defpair. 

Have you ever feen the barometer fo low as of 
late ? The 22d inftant mine was at 28, 41, and 
yet the weather fine and fair., 

With fuicere efteem, I am,. Dear Friend, 


550 APPEND! X, 


[A: D. T.] 70 come in after p. 356. 

Philadelphia, May 16, 1775. 
Dear Friend *, 

"yOU will have heard before this reaches you, 
* of a march ftolen by the regulars into the 
country by night, anid of their expedition back 
again. They retreated 20 miles in [6] hours. 

The Governor had called the AfTembly to pro- 
pofe Lord North's pacific plan ; but before the 
time of their meeting, began cutting of throats $ 
You know it was faid he carried the fword in 
one hand, and the olive branch in the other $ and 
it feems he chofe to give them a tafte of the fword 

He is doubling his fortifications at Boflon, and 
hopes to fecure his troops till fuccour arrives. 
The place indeed is naturally fo defenfible, that I 
think them in no danger. 

All America is exafperated by his condudV, and 
more firmly united than ever. The breach be 
tween the two countries is grown wider, and in 
danger of becoming irreparable. 

I had a pafTage of fix weeks ; the weather con- 
ilantly fo moderate that a London wherry might 

* [I run much rifque in the publication of the three following 
letters ; but I think they contain fuch Valuable facls, and ihew fo 
well the nature of Dr. Franklin's temper, that I ought to encounter 
fame difficulty rather than fuffer them to be loft. .] 


[ A : D . T.] Arrival In America ; it situation. 551 

have accompanied us all the way. I got home in 
the evening, and the next morning was unani- 
moufly chofen by the AfTembly a delegate to the 
Congrefs, now fitting. 

- In coming over I made a valuable philofo- 
phical difcovery, which I mall communicate to 
you, when I can get a little time. At prefent 
am extremely hurried. * * * * 

Yours moil affectionately^ 

B. F. 




{A. D.T.] 70 come in after p. 364. 


Philadelphia, jfajuly, 1775. 
Dear Friend $, 

* * a. j * 

The Congrefs met at a time when all minds 
were fo exafperated by the perfidy of General Gage, 
and his attack on the country peqple, that propo- 
fitions of attempting an accommodation were not 
much relilhed >, and it has been with difficulty 
that^we have carried another humble petition to 
the crown, to give Britain one more chance, one 
opportunity more of recovering the friendship of 
the colonies j which however I think me has ,not 
fenfe enough to embrace, and fo I conclude me 
has loft them for ever. 

She has begun to burn our feaport towns j fe- 
cure, I fuppofe, that we mall never be able to 
return 'the outrage in kind. She may doubtlefs 
deftroy them all ; but if me wiflies to recover our 
commerce, are thefe the probable means ? She 
muft certainly be diftradted j for no tradefrnan 
out of Bedlam ever thought of encreafing the 
number of his cuftomers by knocking them [on] 
the head , or of enabling them to pay their debts 
by burning their houfes, 

If me wimes to have us fubjedbs and that we 
{hould fubmit to her as our compound fovereign, 

J [See the note to the foregoing letter. E.] 


[ A : D . T . ] Conduffi of Britain and America. 

fhe is now giving us fetch miferable ipecimens of 
her government, that we 'fhall ever deteft and 
avoid it, as a complication of robbery, murder, 
famine, fire and pefKleiice. 

You will have heard before this reaches you, 
of the treacherous conduct * * * to the 
remaining people in Bofton, in detaining their 
goods, after ftipulating to let them go out with 
their effeSis ; on pretence that merchants goods 
were not effects ; the defeat of a great body of 
his troops by the 'country people at Lexington; 
fome other fmall advantages gained in fkirmimes 
with their troops ; and the action at Buhker's-hill, 
in -which they were twice repulfed, and the third 
time gained -a dear victory. Enough has hap 
pened, one would think, to convince your mi- 
nifters that the Americans will fight, and that 
this is a harder nut to crack than they imagined. 

We have not yet appljed to any foreign power 
for affiftance ; nor offered our commerce for their 
friendship. Perhaps we never may : Yet it is 
natural to think of it if we are prefTed. 

We have now an army on our eflablimment 
which ftill , holds yours beikged. 

My time was never more fully employed. In 
the morning at 6, I am at the committee of 
fafety, appointed by the aflembly to put the pro 
vince in a Hate of defence; which committee 
holds till near 9, when I am at the congrefs, 
and that fits till after 4 in the afternoon. Both 
thefe bodies proceed with the greateft unanimity, 
and their meetings are well attended. It will 
, 4 B fcarcc 


fcarce be credited in Britain that men can be as 
diligent with us from zeal for the public good, 
as with you for thoufands per annum. Such is 
the difference between uncorrupted aew flates, 
and corrupted old ones. 

Great frug?!ity and great induflry are now be 
come famiorable here : Gentlemen who ufed to 
entertain with two or three courfes, pride them- 
felves now in treating with iimple beef and pud 
ding. By thefe means, and the ftoppage of our 
confumptive trade with Britain, we mall be better 
able to pay our voluntary taxes for the fupport of 
our troops. Our favings in the article of trade 
Amount to near five million fterling per annum. 

I mail communicate your letter to Mr. Win- 
throp, but the camp is at Cambridge, and he has 
as little leifure for philofophy as myfelf. * * * 
Believe me ever, with fincere efleem, my dear 



Yours moft affectionately J 

[The two preceding lettfrs axe to the fame pcrfon ; the follow 
one is to a different correfpondsitt. ,} 


[A: D.T.] Probability of a Jeparation* 555 

fo come in after p. 366. 

Philadelphia, Oft. 3, 1775+. 

T Wim as ardently as you can do for peace, and 
* mould rejoice exceedingly in co-operating 
with you to that end. But every {hip from Britain 
brings fome intelligence of new meafures that 
tend more and more to exafperate ; and it feems 
to me that until you have found by dear expe 
rience the reducing us by force impracticable, 
you will think of nothing fair and reafonable. 
We have as yet refolved only on defenfive mea 
fures. If you would recall your forces and ftay 
at home, we mould meditate nothing to injure 
you. A little time fo given for cooling on both 
fides would have excellent effects. But you will 
goad and provoke us. You defpife us too much ; 
and you are infenfible of the Italian adage, that 
there is no little enemy.* \ am perfuaded the body 
of the Britim people are our friends ; but they 
are changeable, and by your lying Gazettes may 
foon be made our enemies. Our refpect for them 
will proportionally diminish ; and I fee clearly 
we are on the high road to mutual enmity, hatred, 
and deteftation. A feparation will of courfe be in 
evitable. 'Tis a million of pities fo fair a plan 

J [See the note to p. 550. E.] 

4 B a as 


as we have hitherto been engaged in for increafing 
jftrength and empire with public felicity, mould be 
deftroyed by the mangling hands of a few blunder 
ing minifters. It will not 'be deftroyed: God 
will protect and profper it: You will only exclude 
yourfelves from any mare in it. We hear that 
more mips and troops are coming out. We know 
you may do us a great deal of mifchief, but we 
are determined to bear it patiently as long as we 
can; but if you flatter yourfelves with beating us 
into fubmiffion, you know neither the people nor 
the country. 

The congrefs is flill fitting, and will wait the 
refult of their loft petition. 




/J Griculture, takes place of manufactures until a country is fully 
-^ cultivated, 3, 165. 

Air, humid, the circulation of, how produced, 511. 
Albany plan of union. See Union. 

Alphabet, fcheme for reforming, 467. Table of, 470. Specimens, 
written in the propofed characters, 471. Correfpondence with a 
Lady in confidering the merits of it, 472. 

America, the population of, not to be judged of, according to the 
principles applicable to Europe, I . Marriages, why more frequent 
there than in Europe, 3. Why labour will long continue dear 
there, ibid. Argument againft an union of the Britifh colonies 
under one government, 21. State of toleration there, 76. Re- 
fle&ions on the fcheme of impofing taxes on the colonies without 
their confent, 120, Thoughts on American reprefentation in the 
Britifh parliament, 129. Forts in the back fettlements, no fe- 
curity againft France &c. while in poiTeffion of Canada, 15^. 
The wars carried on there againft the French not merely in the 
caufe of the colonies, 162. Preference of North America over 
the Weft Indian colonies ftated, 171. Their great navigable rivers 
favourable to inland trade, 1 76. What commodities the inland 
parts of, are fitted to produce, 177. The productions of, do not 
interfere with thofe of Britain, 182. Comparative eflimate of 
Englilh exports to, and to the Well India iflands, 1 86. Gb- 
ftru&ions to an union of the different colonies, in a revolt againft 
Britain, 191. Reafons given for reftraining the emiffion of paper- 
bills of credit there, 206. Remarks on thefe reafons, 207. The 
intended fcheme of a Bank there defcribed, 218. 
Armies* the means of fuppcrting them pointed out, 20. 
Atmoffhere, remarks on the height and denfity of, 515. On the cir 
culation of, 511. 

Aurora Borealis, conjectures toward forming an hypothefis for the 
explanation of, 504. And eleciric fluid, identity of* 51x5. By 
what ftages the fluid rifes, 514. Its motion in vacuo, 516. The 
feafons the aurora moft ufually appear in, 517. Arc and parallel 
rays of, 518. Queries relating to, 519. Farther hints relating^ 
to, by Dr. Franklin, 521. Another caufe of, qonje&ured, 527. 
M. Mairan's remarks upon, 529. 


55 8 INDEX. 


Baxter, Mr. remarks on his inquiry into the nature of the humam 

foul, 479. 
Sills of Mortality, reafonirjgs formed on thofe for populous cities, 

not applicable to the country, i . 
Bijhops, the introduction of, in America, by whom, and why dif- 

liked, 78. 

Body, political and human, compared, 172. 
Bojian*) preface to the votes and proceedings of the town meeting 

of, 323. 
Bullion, the caufes of its variations in price, 217. 


Canada, its importance to this country compared with that of Gua- 
daloupe, 148. The confequeaces of leaving it in the pofleffion 
of France, hated, 154. Has always checked the growth of our 
colonies, 165. The rivers and lakes in, favourable to trade, 
177. Is eafily to be peopled, without draining Great Britain of 
inhabitants, 200. 

Carriage, inland, no obftrudlion to trade, 174. Inftances, 175. 

China, precaution ufed there againft famine, 42. 

Clark, Dr. ofBoilon, his account of the French method of infti- 
gating the North American Indians againft the Englifh, 150, nott. 

Clouds, the heights of, fuggefted, with conjectures, 522. 

Club at Philadelphia, rules for, 533. 

Colonies, American, their former accnftomed mode of granting aids 
to government, 231. Prevailing popular opinions ought to be 
regarded in fovereignty, 232. That money could not be levied 
on the colonifts but by their own confent, an univerfal opinion, 
233. The ftamp-acl an unwife meafure, 234. Its repeal highly 
acceptable, 235. New duties impofed on them, for the payment 
of crown officers there, 236. Sentiments of the colonifts on the 
al for abolishing the legillature of New York, 239. The im 
portation of Britifh felons among them, highly difagreeable, 242. 
Thoughts on a union of, with Great. "Britain, 246. Governor 
Pownal's thoughts on an equal communication of Britifh rights to 
America, 252. Reply to, 254. Dr. Franklin's examination 
before the houfe of commons on American taxation, 255. Ex 
ternal and internal taxation diftinguifhed, 270. The acts of the 
afleinblies and proceedings of the mobs, not to be confounded, 
285. The laft war not undertaken merely for their defence, 288. 
Troops fromBrltaio not tiecetfary to defend the inhabitants againft 



the Indians,*29O. Mr. Strahan's queries relating to the difcontents 
there, 302. Replies to, 305. The duty on tea how confidered 
there, 306. General review of the difputes with, 323. Circum- 
ftances of their firft eftablifhment ftated, 358. Intended offer of, % 
363. The ground of credit of, compared with that of Great 
Britain, 376. Governor Pownal's ftate of the conftitution of the 
colonies j with remarks by Dr. Franklin, 537. Corollaries from 
the foregoing principles, 541. The courts eftablifhed there, as 
ample in their jurifdidion and powers, as thole in England, 542. 
Colony fubjedls cannot be removed from their own courts to foreign 
jurifdidions, 543. They are in fuch cafes intitled to the writ 
of Habeas corpus, 544. 

Colonies, weftern, plan for fettling two in North America,. 133. 
Advantages of, 136. 

Colony governments, eftablifhment of, and diftindion among, 358, 
387, note. 

Commerce, its influence on the manners of a people, 2.0. Fair and 
upon equal terms, Hated, 45.. Is beft encouraged by being left 
free, 52. Should not be prohibited in time of war, 54. The 
profits of, mutual, 55. By inland carriage, how fupported, 174. 

Conductors, pointed, experiments of their utility in fecuring build 
ings from lightning, 487. Objedions confidered, 495. Occa- 
fion of the difpute on the. preference between blunted and pointed, 
conductors, &c. 499, note. 

Congrefs, American, intended vindication and offer of,, to parlia- 

m ^ nt 357- 

Cora, ill policy of laying reftraints on the exportation of, 50*. 58. 
A country never drained of corn by exportation, 51. 

Countries, diftant and unprovided, a plan f&r. benefiting, 37. Scheme, 
of a voyage to that intent, 40. 

Credit, that of Great Britain, and America, compared, 376,. De 
pends on payment of loans, 377. Induftry, ibid. Frugality,, 
378. Public fpirit, 379. Income and fecurity, 380, Profpeds 
of future ability, 381. Prudence, /&y. Character for honefty,, 


Qalrymple, Mr. fcheme of a voyage to benefit remote regions, pro- 

pofed to be undertaken under his command, 40. 
Denny, Governor, remarks on his official conduct in Penfylvania, 

Dic&en/ott, Mr. his remarks on the late views of adminiftration in 

framing laws over the colonies, 241* Remarks on h^s conducV 

451. On his preteft, 463 

. Earth*, 

560 I N D E X. 


Earth, fafts (hewing it to be kept thawed only by the agency of 

the fun, 524. 
Eleftric fluid, and aurora borealis, the identity of, argued, 510. 

By what ftages itr'rifes, 514. Its motion in yacuo, 516. 
;/<?/*>/ defign'illuftrative of our American troubles, defcribed, 

374, note. 

Empire, rules for reducing a great one, 343. 
Employment, the advantages of thofe kinds that fill up occafional 

vacancies of time, 48. 

England, the decreafe of population in, doubtful, 16. 
Episcopalians, conduft of the American legiflatures toward them, 77. 

Farmexs, remonftrance in behalf of, ^7. 

Felons, the tranfportation of to America, highly difagreeable to the 
inhabitants, 242. 

Flax, amount of the exportation of, from America to Ireland, 283. 

Forjter, Dr. his obfervations on the aurora auftralis, 513, note. 

Fragments, political, 48. 

France, in what the chief force of that kingdom coafifts, 19. 

Franklin, Dr. his examination before the Englifh houfe of common,?, 
255. His reply to Mr. Strahan's queries, 305. His forefightof 
events that have ( fmce happened, 3 1 z. His examination before 
the privy council, 335. Avows tranfmitting the colony letters 
back to America, 339. His fummary account of the firft Englilh 
campaign in America, 365. His anfwer to Lord Howe, 370. 
His remarks on a proteft againft his appointment as agent for 
Penfylvania, 403. His preface to Mr. Galloway's fpeech, 418. 
His epitaph on hiinfelf, 5 3 \ . His remarks on Governor PownaPs 
ftate of the conftitution of the colonies, 537. Letter of his,' al- 
- hiding to fome promifed political work, 548. 

French encroachments in North America, difplay of the mifchiefs 
of, 135. 

Frugality, the advantages of, 29. 


Galloway, Mr. preface to his fpeech in anfwer to Mr. Dickenfoq, 

by Dr. Franklin, 418. 
Germany, why the feveral {rates of, encourage foreign manufactures 

in preference to thofe of each otheri 176, note. 


I N D E X. 5 6z 

filver, the exportation of, ought not. to be prohibited, 53. 

Greece, ancient, the fuperiority of, over Perfia, accounted for, 17. 

Greek empire, the cleftrudion of, difperfed manufactures over Eu 
rope, 1 8 1 . 

Guadaloupe, the fna.ll importance-of to this country compared with 
that of Canada, 148. Its value to Britain over rated, 201. 


Hats, the manufacture of, attempted in North America, without fuc- 

cefs, 190. 

Jionefty, often a very partial principle of co-.duft, 64. 
Hopkins, Governor, copy of .his report of the number of inhabitants 

on Rhode Ifland, .188, note. 

Hcive, Lord, his letter toDr. Franklin, 367. The anfwer to*, 370. 
Hutchinfon, Governor, caufeof the applications for his removal, 329. 

Account of the letters of, 339. 


Jdlemfs, the heavieft tax on mankind, 25, 48. Encouraged by 

charity, 61. ^ 

Indians of North America, how feduced to the French intereft, 150. 

Their method of going, to war, 156. Their way of life, 222. 

A litl of fighting men in the different nations of, 228. 
Indian trade and affairs, remarks on a plan for the future mannge^ 

ment of, 222. Spirituous liquors the great inducement to Indian 

trade, 225. Their debts muft b,: lett to honour, 226. This 

trade not an American intereil, 289. 
Induftry, efiential to the welfare of a people, 48. Relaxed by the 

cheapnefs of provilions, 52. 


Labour, why it will long continue deTr in America, 3. 

Law, the courts of, in the colonies, as ample in their powers there^ 

as thofe in England, 542. No appeals lie from them in real 

actions, to the King in council, 543- 
Lightning, experiment of the utility of long pointed rods, to fecure 

buil-iings from, 487. Objedlions conlidered, 495. 
Luxuries, their influence on population, 7. 


Mairan, M. his remarks on the aurora borealis, 529. 
Manners, their influence on population, 13* 


I N D E X. 

Mamtffflures, the advantages of, over the fale of raw materials, 45.. 

Are with great difficulty eitablifhed to the prejudice of .thole who 

are already in pofleffion of them, 179. Are feldom transplanted 

with eafe from one country to another, except difturbed by con- 

queft, &c. 1 80. Jnftance?, 181. 
Manufacturers, the pooreft inhabitants in a nation, 164. Npt eafily 

tranfpl anted from one country to another, 1 80. 
Marriages, where the greateir, number of, take place, i. Why 

more frequent in America than in Europe, 3, 170, note. 
Maryland, account of the paper-bills iffued there, 219. Its conduct 

during the laft war, defended, 274. 
Maffachufetts Bay, petition from the reprefentatives of, to the King, 

for the removal of Governor Hutchinfon and others, 331. 
Matter, inquiry into the fuppofed vis inertiae of, 479. 
Maxims, prudential, from Poor Richard's Almanack, 24. 
Militia, the command of, in the colonies, infeparably annexed to 

the office of fupreme civil magiftrate, 545. 
Mufcbenbroek, obfervations on his table of appearances of the ajirora 

borealis, 517. 


, JV>iv England, its prosperity owing to paper-credit, 208. Cir- 
cumitances which rendered the reftridlion of paper- currency not 
injurious there, 211. Bills there that carried intereft, 219* 
The abolition of paper-currency there ftated, 274. 

New York, fentiments of the colonifts on the aft for abolifhing the 
legislature of, 239. 


Paper-credit i cannot be circumfcribed by government, 56. Ame 
rican, remarks and fadls relative to, 206. Its ufes in trade, 2i2 
Caufes of its depreciation in the middle colonies, 216. Account 
.of the Maryland bills, 219. New England bills, ibid. Bills of 
credit made a legal tender, the beft medium of trade in lieu of 
money, 220. 

Parable againft perfecudon, 72. 

Patriotism, the fpirit of, catching, 145. 

Peace, the victorious party may infift on adequate fecurities in the 
terms of, 152. 

Penn, Governor, remarks on his adminiftration, 440. 

Penfylvania, average value of Englifh exports to, in different years, 
189, note. Its prosperity owing to paper-credit, 208. Rate of 
exchange there, 262. Annual amount of provincial taxes there, 
280. Report of the committee of grievances, 387. Addreis to 



the freemen of, on a militia bill reje&ed by the proprietor's de 
puty, 396. Remarks on a petition prepared for changing the 
proprietary into a royal government, 418. Pecuniary bargains 
between the governors and affembly, 420. Remarks on the ad- 
miniftration of Governor Penn, 440. Remarks on the counter 
petition, 453. 

Penjylvania Almanack,- prudential maxims from, 24. 

ferfecittion, religious* a parable again ft, 72.. Comparative flate of, 
in Old and in New England, 79. 

Philadelphia, rules for a club formerly eftablifhed there, 533. 

Poor, the many provisions for the relief of, an encouragement to 
idlenefs, 61. Scheme of annuities for the benefit of,, 63,. note.. 
Annual ftate of the poor's rate, 65, note.. 

Poor Richard's prudential maxims, 24. 

Population, reflections on, i. Caufes which diminiffi a people,, .. 
Influence of manners on, 13. How the inhabitants of a cdtintry 
fubfift in the different degrees and llages of, 165. Rate of its 
increafe in America, 265. 

P.ofetions [concerning national wealth] to be examined, 44. . 

Poftage, the rates of, no tax, but payment for fervice done, .278*. 
State of, in America, 293. 

Poivnal, Governor, his fcheme for a barrier colony in America, 133,. 
note . His letter to Dr. Franklin on an equal communication of 
Britiih rights to America, 252, notes on, 254. His flace of the: 
conftitution of the colonies ; with Dr. Franklin's remarks, 537. 

Protefts, improperly, introduced into the affembly of Penfylvania, . 
403, 463. 

Provi/ions, the cheapnefs of, encourages idlenefs, 52. 

Prujjtan edift, 315. 


perfecuted at their firfl arrival in America, . 76, note. 
Quebec r remarks on the late enlargement of the province of, 106,, 


Reprefentatlont American, in the Britifh parliament, .thoughts on, , 

Rhode I/land, the firft purchafe of it from the Indians, how made,, 

107, note. Governor Hopkins's report of the number of inhabi-t 

tants on, 188, note. . 
'Home, caufes of its decline inquired into, 18*. The political go* - 

vermaent of its provinces,, 196. . 

5.. Solaria* 

564 IN D E X. 



Salaries of crown officers in America, fentiments of the colonifts on 
the duties laid on them for the payment of", 236. 

Servants in England, the molt barren clafs of the people, 15. 

Shirley, Governor, letters to, on the fubiect of impofing taxes on 
the colonies without their confent, 120. On American reprefen- 
tation in the Britifh parliament, 129. 

Smuggling, feldom eiteemed a breach oi honefly, 66, The enormity 
of, f la ted, 67. 

Spain, why thin of inhabitants, 9. 

Stamp afi over the colonies, an unwife meafure, 234. Its repeal 
highly acceptable to the colonifts, 235. Thoughts on t! is fubjeft, 
before the repeal, 246. Dr. Franklin's examination n, 257. 

Str^han, Mr. his queries to Dr. Franklin, 302. The Doctor's re 
plies' to them, '305. 

Sun, the earth kept from freezing by the adlion of, 524. 


Tariffs, not eafily fettled in Indian trade, 224. 

Taxation, American, letters to Gov. Shirley on, 1 20. Dr. Franklin's 
examination on, 255. Internal and external diftinguifhed, 270. 

Tea, the duty oa in America, how confidered therey 306. 

Thomas, Governor, his mode of trafficking with the affembly of 
Penfylvania, 420. 

Time, occafional fragments of, how to be collected, 48. 

Toleration in Old and New England compared, 74. 

Trade, inland carriage no obftruclion to, 174. The great navi 
gable rivers in America, favourable to, 176. View of the inland 
trade of Germany and Ruflia, 177. Trade, an equivalent for 
commodities not always neceflary in, 212. Bills of credit made 
legal tender, on good fecurity, the belt medium of, in lieu of 
money, 220. ^Will make its own rates, 225. 

Tranfportation of felons to America, highly difagreeable to the in 
habitants there, 242: 


Vacuum, natural, qualified fenfe of the expreffion, 516. Motion of 

the electric fluid in, ihid. 
Union of the American colonies, reafons and motives on which the 

plan of, \vas formed, 86. Reafons againft partial unions, 89. 

Pitta of apropo&d union, gu Members of the grand council, 


INDEX. 565 

how proportioned among the refpe&ive colonies, 97. Place of 
firft meeting, 98. Election of members, 99. Proportion of 
members after the firft three years, ibid. 'Meetings of the grand 
council, 101. Allowance to members, 103. Affent of the pre- 
iident general, ana h's duty, ibid. Treaties of peace and war, 
104. Inuian traue and purchaies, 105 New fettlements, 108. 
Military eftabhihments, no. Laws and taxes, 112. iffiung of 
money, 113. Appointment of officers, 116. Obftruttions to 
their uniting againlt Britain, 191. 
Volcanosy certain, luppoied to produce the aurora borealis, 528. 


Wealth^ the way to, 24. Three ways for nations to acquire it, 46. 
Wedder burnt) Mr. remarks on his treatment of Dr. Franklin before 

the privy council, 338, notel 340, note. 
Weft Indies, the importance of, to this country, compared with that 

of North America, 171. Comparative ellimate of Engliih exports 

to thole iflands and to North America^ 1-86. Woollen manufacture 

very practicable in the colonies, 271. 


"N. B. The following lift of addenda, &c. may 
appear confiderable : The afterifms on the fide 
however (about fixteen in number) mark all 
that are important for the reader's attention : 
The reft are chiefly inferted for the benefit of 
the printer, in future editions. Had the copies 
of the author's pieces which the editor pofTeffed, 
always been correct, fewer difficulties of this 
kind would probably have occurred : And the 
notes alfo might have been much abridged and 
perfected, had the progrefs of the prefs allowed 
a fufficient time. 

For a fmall alteration to be made in the Arrangement of the pieces 
in this Collection, fee the Table of Contents and its Note, 
and alfo the notes of the Appendix. 

3. a fpace to be put after 7 ; fo alfo after 1 2 in p. 5 ;- . 
after 14 in p. 7; after 18 in p. 8j and after 26 
& 21, in p. 9. 

3. line 18. read " thereti&X. there is j" for " there that there is." 
7. line 1 8. dele the before Fathers. 

13. a fpace to be put after 1. 5 ; p. 17. a, paragraph and fpace 
at the words " Thus manners," line 17 j p. 20. a fpace 
at line zo ; and .p. 22. fpaces at lines 14 & 28. 
*>49 1. 21. after " individual," add, "" and neceffary to furnifh 

<c his fubfiftence." 
51. line 23. read " become^." 
57. line 17 of the notes; read " much alufe in.'* 
59. line 8 from the bottom ; read ' keepj" 
'67. line*, -read " Cowftitution." 




* 72, The copy of the Chapter again perfection is in feveral re- 
fpefts imperfecl:. Jn p?.riicuiar tie divifion or vc fea is 

not cb'jiveJ, and the iolJo-ving Jart emit ted, b>.g.Hi : :iig 
from the i.;th ver:'e. " 

' (12) And Abraham faid, let not the anger of my Lord wax hot againft 
his fervant : lo, 1 have finked, forgi c- me I.pray taee. (13) And Ab;a- 
ham arofe, and went forth inio the wil er.els and diligently fought for 
'!*,**' ^the man and found him; and leturne.. with him to th?. tent ; and when 
he had entreated him kindly, he fent him :.w\ on the morrow with gifts. 
(14) And God fpake again untqAbraV," i..ying, for this fhy fin lhall 
thy feed be afflifted four nu-ndred years i;, -, -!a: r eLnd: (15) But for 
thy repentance will I deliver taem, and tiicy fliail come forth with po.wer, 
aad with gladnefs of heart, and with much fubltance.' 

74. line 10; read " that- people." 
' 76. line 13; read " led." 
" 98. line 14 ; for *' the nearer," read "near;" and line 15, 

read " colonies and where." 

121. line 13 from the bottom of the note; read " may have con 
tribute^;" and line 6 from the bottom, read " in the 

129, &c. in the running title, read " Letter." 
*l3i. line 10 from the bottom, read "in the parliament;" and 

line 6 from the bottom, read " ieat around its coaifo." 
139. line 1 6. dele " and much." 
"141. line 15. read " Hock^ockiu;" and line 4 from the bottom, 

read " Moh"gahela." 
*I42. line 7. after "fort " add, " and fupply it with provifions." 

174. line 5. for " with" read " within." 

*205- at the bottom, add this note.- [Dr.- Franklin has often been 
heard to fay, that in writing this pamphlet, he received 
confiderable affiflance from a learned friend who was not 
willing to be named. E.] 

*22l. Infert the folio vving note. [I underltand that Dr. Franklin is 
the friend who affifled Governor Pownall in drawing' up 
a plan for a general paper currency for America, to be 
eflablilhed by the Britifh government. See Gov. Pown all's 
Adminiftration of -the Colonies, 5th edit. p. 199 & 208, 
&c. E.] 

*227- In 'the note ; omit all of the laft fix lines between the word 
" times," and the word " But;" and in page 22/S line 5, 
for " (Dr. Frankli )" read " (George Croghan.)'' 
236. line 8. dele " it h;id been ;'aid." 

240. line 7. from bottom, reaci fimply "and beaver ;" line 3 
from bottom,. read " King;" and line 2d frcm bottom, 
dele " with." ' 

243. line 


243. line 13, read " ztend;" and line 3 from the bottom, for 

" iignify" read " fatisfy." 
255. line 7 of the notes, read " expted." 
287. line 19. read " efteenW." 
313. line 12. read " ftead ; A&* power," and line 21 puta comma 

only after *' here." 
316. line 7. read " fubje6b." 
'323. at the bottom, dele " Thefe pofts havefmce gone together." 

325. line 18. read " this difpofition ;" and line 19. read " was 

fo prevalent." 

326. line 3. re-id iimply " thatminifter ;" line 20. read " to ftarvt 

it;" and line 4 from the bottom read " fifteen hundred." 
329. In the title here and in the fubfequent pages, dele " an-'. 

Examination. " 

344. line 14. read " fettlers or their." 
351. line ii from the bottom, read " That thus." 
355. dele the loweft note with its reference, and line 1 1 re . " enow 

*357 in the title of this and the fubfequent pages fay Propofed 


368. line 8 from the bottom, read " had 500 /." 
372. lineiS. read " not to be;" and line 22- read " pore e laint 

374. line 6 from the bottom, read fimply " Hood a." 

376. line 9 from the bottom, dele " his;" and line 7 from bot 

tom, read " individual, ought." 

377. line 18. read " man there is;" line 25. read " mifma- 

nagemt;" and line 26. read ' bufinefs, and." 

387. 1. 10 of the note, read " where the fundamentals of the go- 
** vernment are." 

427. line 2. read " charter; to." 

429. line 10. read " kn*w." 

444. line 8 from bottom, read " country." 
*452, line i. read "but their wifdoms;" and line 21. between 
" authority." and ' What,"infert a number of afterifms, 
to mark theomiffion of along fatyrical epitaph for the Pro 
prietors, compofed out of addreffes or me/Tages to them 
printed in the votes ; and page 464. dele what follows the 
word " omitted" in the note. 

459. line i. read " eves been." 

4 B '468. oa 


on the fide of the upper divifion, 
put " to" in, " huh" in 
italic, and dels " ^;" and en the 
fide of the fifth diviiiou dele the 
rornan <c th" and " dh." Aifo 
make the table face p. 468. and not 
p. 470, and in the 4th column of 
the table oppofite a. read u little 
more^ or" ; and in ihe note at the 
bottom, for u founds" read " cha 
racters." Aifo p. 469. 1. 2. after 
ic foft." infer t as follows, " ATalfo 
fupplies well the place of % ; and, 
with an s added, the place of x : 

* q and x are therefore omitted. 

* The vowel u being founded as 00, 
f makes the w unneceffary. The 

* y where ufed fimply, is fupplied 
c by / ; and where as a diphthong, 
' is iupplied by two vowels : That 

* letter is therefore omitted as ufe- 

* lefs.' Alfo p, 470. 1. 6. read 
<c zmto;" and line 7 from the bot 
tom, read " different fofitim" and 




line 4 from the bottom, dele " both 
in inhaling and expelling it."- -Alfa 
p. 471. 1. 5. read fiuriys. Alfa 
p. 472. L 6. read " fils'd ;" 
Alfo p 475. 1. 2. and p. 477., 
lines 9 and 15. read " layuedfi" 

477. dele the note. 

*479. after the title infert "Philadelphia, 1748.;" and in the next 
line fay " to Mr.Hopkinfon ;" and iniert " Hopkinfon" for 
" Baxter" in the title of the fubfequent pages, and in the 
zd line of the note read " &c. by Mr. Baxter" 

486. In lieu of the prefent note r place the following, viz. " Phi 
ladelphia market, in which Dr. F. lived." 

507. line 13. read " force*," and add the following note below.. 

510. line ii. read " fundamentals of the caufe." 

511. in the two laft notes at the bottom, read. " torrid zone" forv 

" tropics." 

512. line 2. read "France"; 1, 6. dele the figure 5. and ihfert 

the whole fentence, ' How flowly fetuation operates here,, 
&c." as a note to the word Newfound/and; Let the fentence 
at 1. 12, beginning with the words "The fame conclufion," 
follow the word Newfoundland, line 6,. and make part of 
4; and for ^5. infert the following fentence,.. with its, 
attendant note. "5. The air lofes heat flowly f ; or. in- 
" other words is a bad conductor of heat." Line 13, of 
the fame page, read * at leaft at twenty eight degrees and 
" a half" for " at 2 8 '/-;" and line 28,. read " near the 
t " pole." 

*5I5 line 14 and 15, for " whatever rarity the air has at a certaia 
" height," &c. read " if the air be found to increafe in 
" rarity a given number of times at a fpecific height from, 
" the furface, at twice that height the rarity will be as, 
" ihefquare. of that number, at thrice that height as the 
*' cube of it ; and fo on : The" height, &c. 

5:17. for the bottom line, and p. 518 for the top line; Aibftitute 
as follows. " appear moil when the beginning of moifture 

* [What is here faid of the effet of the centrifugal force on the air, the author. 
5 find, has fince eonfidered as a miftake. E.] 
fc ' See Mr, Adair Crawford's moft excellent book on dnimalbeai" p>.35- 

4. D z, *** fuceefiflfe 



" fuccceds the maximum of cold, or the beginning of 
" cold fucceeds the maximum of moiflure; but if it be 
" true, according to Muffchenbroek, that they prevail moil 
" when, &c." line 3. of the fame p. 518. dele "hence." 
524. line 31. at the word " regions J" coniider the following note. 

524- 6. for 

J [I find frbm a paper by Capt. Douglas (fee the PBIl.Tranf. for 1770 ) that the 
Jea at fame depths in certain cold latitudes, is not only warmer than at the furfacein 
fynng time, but alfo in feveral trials was of equal with it upon an average 
late in fammer. Now I cannot lufpeft from the very frnaii depth" to which (accord 
ing to clivers, &c.) the agiiation of ftorms is found to reach, aiat deep warm" ftrata 
of water are brought by^orajinto thefe climates : Nor can I attribute the fail finuily 
to tides, fince tides according to Dr. Franklin are waves, and waves are produced 
chiefly out of the waters on the fpot, by an altered pofiiion of their parts: Nor do 
I think we can explain much by calling in the aid of currents, for whence are thofe 
currents? I incline therefore to conceive feme fuch iaufe as the following. If 
the globe were now for the firft time made to whirl round Us axis, the earthy parts 
of it would eafily comply with the motion ; but the ivatry parts being of a loofer 
texture would be later in doing this and hence probably for a time make an orer- 
ivhelming current to the weftward. Thus, if a bafon with water be moved in the 

direction W E ; the water being left behind at E, the parts there will become dry ; 
and the water again being overtaken at W and rot having confiltency enough to admit 
a fufficient protrufion, the firft divif;on near \V will have its parts fqueezed under 
between and above, thofe of the next divifionj fo as toraife that ilivifion ; but with 
in fuch bounds as gravuy, compared wilh the force of the motion, lhall prefcribe j 
the fame gravhy.rendering the furface of the whole fmooth, in fome fuch line as ive. 
The tropical waters hawing to keep pace with a more rap d pi ejection of land however 
than the ref., would be later in acquiring their requifite motion, and continue longer 
fwelling up againft the weftern mores, and from thence run north and fouth round 
again to the eaHern fhores; having in tneir afcent to the hipher latitudes a motion 
relatively quick, and in their de'cent back again another relatively flow j and by 
fuch motions laying a foundation for producing another fwell with circuitous 
currents after the manner cf the former. -] kave it to others to fay him <uch a 
notion, ifjuft, nutrht explain the'? of fliel.'s in different inlanj p,;ris where 
the water firft betake quieteiT, &c. &c. bu'. it feems to me difficult, wiihuLU fome 
fuch hypothefis, to 'etermine the rauie of the fact in quefii .j. 1 led fficult 
alfo to fay, why (apparently exclufive of wind -., whith yet JCHT.) i. .'- f obey 
alike i.jfluence) our < we"ivard voyages are beft inare i/i low ia.i iri'd our eaft- 

ward voyages beft m;u]e in higher ones. It feeir.s fa /hci ^if?:- uh-iu' it^ to fay, 
why the wale:;, arc aci mulcted ^s we fee th rr :n ' -ne height 

(if we are to prig-- bv the raie and ex-i-.-t of their descent t' , e hundred 

feet (as perhaps maybe proved by . >c waters 

acrofs the Mexico IT'. ..; above 

p. 524 i ' ., ; . r .er auihoni' ) j thitik is h.M, ;y to bs 

attTi' 'itcd \.^ . . . ., tradt-iuindt i becaule Uic whole aUnoi^hencal weight, 




524-6. for the running title fay, "The earth kept thawed only 
" by the>." 

526. line 9. read " at the fame degree c/'heat." 

527. line 16. at the words " long fubijfted," infert the note be 

low.* . line 26. put a dalh after " hiilory. " line 27. 

put the word " forefts" into italics ; and line 30, read 


*$28. line 13 from the bottom, dele " (at leaft in certain ftages)." 
*C2Q. line 26. Infert the note below f. 

N. B. 

isonly equal to 33 feet of water, and a wind-wave upon flat waters fcarce ever reaches 
15 feet above the general level without gravity bringing it down again, and no unufual 
continuance of winds upon any (herein fact ever raifes a water fwell of 33 feet inde 
pendent of earthquakes and tides. Perhaps alfo an hypothefis of this kind may gain 
farther credit, from the currents obferved among the Weft India iflands ; where the 
water may befuppofed running backwards or forwards from the Mexican heap, ac 
cording as the fupply is more or lefs flackehed behind or the difcharge more or lefs 
accelerated before, by ftorms tides, &c. &c. So perhaps the current into the Me 
diterranean by Gibraltar with fome of the currents in other ftraights and feas (allow 
ing for the poiition fize, &c. of the water, and fuppofmg a current below to balance 
a current above,) as alfo various riplings of feas, &c. may have their (hare in explain 
ing and being explained by fuch a conjecture. E.] 

* [This aflertion may bethought carried too far; feeing the great effects pro 
duced during different feafons upon the earth's furface, as to heat and cold. And 
perhaps the eafe with which the earth appears tHfpofed to relapfe into coolnefs 
and froft were the fun wholly to retire; may lead fome to fufpect, that the fun's 
prefcnce only occafions a manifeftation of heat by fome decompofition of it from cer 
tain fubftances, and that during the fun's abfence this heat after a time tends 
again to be abforbed. Such fuppofition, if true, would help to explain feveral facts 
and difficulties in thefe inquiries : Room therefore is left for it, along with other 
like fuppofitions. E.] 

f [The following incidents are too curious to be omitted. Smoke frotrv 
Cotopaxi is feen between five and fix miles above the fea ; and Vefuvius is faid on the 
night of Auguft 8, 1779, to have thrown out a compleat fheet of fire in a column,, 
at leaft three times taller than the mountain itfelf, or near three miles above the fea ; 
which operation continued in full force for 25 minutes (then ceafing abruptly) ; 
and from thofe clouds the brigbteft forked lightning conftantjy iffued ; there/? of the 
Jky being free from clouds, and before the eruption, it having been a clear ftar- light 
night. Qu. Does t\\z projeEted fmokr. (compofed in part perhaps of moift or mineral 
particles) fpread, cool, and condenfe ; and while condenfing create the fame overflow 
of electricity that Dr. Franklin conceives to be created by condenfing vapor ; after 
wards difcharging its Surplus of electricity into the earth, moift air, or heated lava 
that is pafling up and down on all fides : And may not this fame fmoke, when in 
a drier, cooler, and lower a'cmofphere towards the poles, make its difcharge into 
the vacuum above ; thus forming a feparate origin for the auroras ? If an infulated 
volcano be ftill thought necefiary to the auroras, and fucb volcano be fuppofed inca 
pable of furni(hing the additional electricity required upon the change of folid matter 
into voluminous fmoke; may not this additional ele.ctricity be acquired from moift 
foutber/y air, during the firft ftages of the fmoke's afcending ? And may not fmoke 
and vapor thut often reciprocal^ promote the auroras j the vapor of iUelf at times 



N. B. In the running titles of the right hand pages, from, 
page 513 to p. 529, infert [M. P.] 

not afcending high enough to reach the rarer air ; and the fmoke of itfelf not poflef- 
iJng all the necefT-iry eleclrieity, till aided by foutherly winds; auroras therefore 
that depend on fmoke from infulated -volcanos, never appearing without the appearance 

of humid air. Mr. Brydone however I find was told of red or blueifh lightning 

flashing from the eruptions of /Etna, as well as of Vefuvius; but without any noife 
heard like thunder, except when clouds parted near ; and alfo that the whole track 
of fmoke (fometimes 100 miles in extent) produced great mifchief by its eledlrical 
difcharges, when the air was dry and little agitated ; But that at other times the 
electricity defcended with torrents of rain. He himfelf only found the air of /Etna 
cleftrical, in a fituation where there was hardly any thing but lava and dry hot fand 
near : And its fmoke, when he faw it, always defcended to certain regions of the at- 
mofphere. If there are any auroras then produced by mere eledlrified fmoke, may 
not foutherly winds contribute to the eruption by pouring fnow or water into the 
volcano; may not the eruption by rendering the air lighter in confequence of rare 
faction, phlogiftication, &c. or the cold high land in its neighbourhood by making the 
vaporous air ihrink greatly in confequence of precipitating its vapor (as is feen in 
certain elevations upon ./Etna and ftill more upon the Andes) contribute to the wind.- 
Finally, if the infulated fmoke be negative with refpecT: to electricity, is thete any 
contradiftioa in fuppofing that it may occafionally receive its complement from 
the upper regions ; the electricity in its circuitous paflage thither for the purpofe, 
forming a newfpecies of auroras. See the plate fromBouguer; the London Gazette 
for Sept. 4, 17795 and Brydone's Tour through Sicily and Malta, Vol. I. p. 215, 
and ZZ7-8 j ' With the confirmation given by Sir Wm. Hamilton in the Phil. Tranf. 
for 1768, p. u, and 1770, p, 18. andUlloa, Vol. I. p. 231. E.] 

N. B. The collection in this Volume includes all 
thd Political Pieces by Dr. Franklin which have by any 
-means come into the Editor's poflefiion, and fuch of 
his Mifcdlaneous and Philofophicd pieces as are not 
tlfewhere extant in print. 



- '